Afro Latines Advocacy Week: Race and Equality brings organizations from Brazil and Colombia to Washington, D.C.

Afro Latines Advocacy Week: Race and Equality brings organizations from Brazil and Colombia to Washington, D.C.

Washington, D.C., September 27th 2022 – From the 27th to the 30th of September, the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) brings human rights organizations from Brazil and Colombia to Washington, D.C., working to promote and defend the rights of the Black and LGBTI+ population.  In order to promote an exchange of political advocacy strategies between the Afro-Latine and the Afro-American movements, the meetings will take place within the framework of Black Caucus Week; an annual conference of Black U.S. Congress that aims to boost and debate the civic engagement of the Black population. In addition, the delegation participates in academic meetings with U.S. civil society organizations and private meetings with congress members and state departments.

The Brazil-Colombia delegation present in Washington D.C is formed by the organizations: Geledés – Instituto da Mulher Negra (BR) that will be represented by Rodnei Jericó da Silva, Coordinator of SOS Racismo;  NGO Criola (BR) with the presence of the Project Coordinator, Lia Manso;  Somos Identidad (COL), with the Founder Johana Sinisterra and the Legal Representative Sandra Milena Ibarbo;  and the Asociación Nacional de Afrocolombianos Desplazados (AFRODES – COL), with the presence of Coordinator Luz Marina Becerra.  Representing Race and Equality, the Executive Director Carlos Quesada; Zuleika Rivera, Senior Officer of the LGBTI Program and Brazil Program Officer, Nathaly Calixto, will be present at these meetings.

In this exchange among Black Pan-American organizations, the Latin American organizations aim to take the Black and LGBTI+ perspectives of the global southern diaspora for an effective political impact, as well as exchanges of good practices so that they can move together to achieve plural racial justice. It’s important to emphasize that, for Race and Equality, these meetings are an opportunity to promote strategies of structural political changes with an intersectional bias; as Brazil is in the electoral period, Colombia’s President values racial agendas and, this year, the U.S. Congress goes through midterms elections.

“It’s precisely in this configuration that we empower organizations to act with political implications. Being able to talk to Black U.S. Congress members about the Latin American racial agenda is one way to influence the Biden administration, because it needs a congressional majority to pass its agendas.  It is in this sense that we plan to ensure and strengthen international human rights agreements on racial and gender justice and, in this case, there’s nothing better than organizations to guide the demands of their countries,” says Carlos Quesada.

Brazil and Colombia: In Search of Racial Justice

As the U.S. academic community seeks to understand and foster studies on the Black diaspora, the BRA-COL delegation will meet with academics and students at Howard University to share the efforts of regional civil society organizations in defending human rights. The idea is to show that even though racism is a global issue, the different sociocultural dynamics and the deficit economic contexts produced by centuries of colonialism, impact primarily on the most vulnerable populations in Latin America and Afro-Caribbean. In this case, to make known the racial and gender equity agenda of these organizations, can stimulate studies that provide, in  the future, the construction of equitable global public policies.

Brazil, for example, has the highest murder rate of LGBTI+ people in the world, and this incidence rate cross-referenced from an intersectional perspective is highest in trans-Black women in vulnerable situations. The organizations Geledés and Criola, together with Race and Equality in Brazil, conducted a survey monitoring the closure of civic spaces, in which they mapped that the rise of an ultraconservative agenda has generated attacks on the Brazilian democratic system, criminalization of human rights defenders and the immobilization of citizen participation councils and associations. With this, there are growing attacks and hate speech against Black women and elected LBTIs who intend to participate in the political life of the country.

In Colombia, for years the Afro-Colombian community has suffered a process of marginalization and vulnerabilization, and the civil society and Afro-Colombian leaders have denounced the existence of a geographical apartheid reinforced by structural and institutional racism.  This same structure resonates in erasing the struggle for the existence of ethnic peoples, which reinforce that civil rights in the country must be thought of in multiethnic and multicultural perspectives, taking into account how racist violence impacts these territories and racialized bodies. Similarly, for Colombian LGBTI+ people, the scene of gender and racial violence continues to increase: from January to June 2022,  354 victims of  sexual orientation assaults were recorded, 324 of whom suffered some physical abuse and  229 suffered these abuses within their own families.

The excessive use of police force in both Brazil and Colombia is a complaint presented to international human rights mechanisms.  The armed conflict in Colombia and police forces in Brazil intersect in the profile of their victims: Black people in vulnerable living conditions in territories whose presence of the state is marked by police violence. In Colombia, at least 1,144,486 people who identified themselves as part of the Black population were recorded as victims of armed conflict, according to data from the National Information Network, which corresponds to 38.38% of the total. In Brazil, the Brazilian Public Safety Yearbook points out that of the total of 6,145 deaths by police intervention, in 2021, 84.1% were Black and 15.8% were white.

Why the Black population is seen as a threat

In addition to this question and many others that permeate the racist structure that found the police corporations of Latin America, Race and Equality in partnership with organizations in Brazil and Colombia, continue in a regional project to confront and denounce racist police violence in both countries.  In the face of this meeting in Washington, D.C., police violence that intersects with the Black and LGBTI+ populations will also be the subject of meetings to placate this colonial modus operandi, in which Black bodies are exempt from the presumption of innocence and, because they exist, are victims of all violence and seen as a threat, whether in Latin American countries or Anglo America.

In view of this, racism, gender-based violence and LGBTIphobia pose the real threat to a system of oppression that disrespects inalienable human rights and international treaties that value their guarantees. For this, Race and Equality with the BRA-COL delegation intend to denounce to the American Congress members the current milestones of violation of the rights of the Black population and LGBTI+ Latin America. The exchange of these dissenting voices reaffirms the purpose of further denouncing racism and its different forms of violence that prevent the full exercise of citizenship, freedom of expression and the right to development of these countries as a call for partnership and inclusion of the Black population of all the Americas.

Brazilian delegation participates in the pre-sessions of the UN-UPR in Switzerland with recommendations on racial discrimination in Brazil

Brazil, September 15th, 2022 – With Brazil’s review approaching in the 4th Cycle of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR), The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) promoted a series of meetings, in July and August, along with civil society organizations that work on issues of race, gender and sexual orientation in Brazil, including Embassies in Brasília and their respective Permanent Missions, in Geneva, Switzerland. The Universal Periodic Review is a mechanism developed by the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council to assess the human rights situation in each of the UN member countries.

The meetings in Geneva took place between August 29 and September 2, and the following organizations participated: Grupo Conexão G de Cidadania LGBT de Favelas (RJ), represented by the current Director General Gilmara Cunha, a trans woman, community leader, and activist of human rights; NGO Criola (RJ), with the presence of Mônica Sacramento, the Institution’s Project Coordinator; Marielle Franco Institute (RJ) with its Executive Director Anielle Franco; Geledés – Instituto da Mulher Negra, represented by Nilza Iraci, Coordinator of Political Incidence. On behalf of Race and Equality, the Executive Director, Carlos Quesada; David Veloso, Human Rights Consortium Coordinator; Gaia Hefti, Advocacy Officer in Geneva; and Leilane Reis, Race and Gender Officer of Brazil all took part in the meetings.

Due to the importance of demonstrating at the regional and international level the current framework of human rights violations in the country, in addition to seeking to raise awareness around the need for more targeted recommendations for the black population, LGBTI+, and indigenous peoples, this delegation has actively participated in human rights mechanisms by sending reports. The agenda in Geneva represented a continuity of the work of political incidence in Brasilia. There were five days of meetings focusing on the visibility of the current situation of racial discrimination in Brazil, leading to the Permanent Missions, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), and Independent Experts’ specific recommendations on the subject.

Geneva Agenda

On August 30, several Brazilian organizations were selected by the UN Human Rights Council to speak on the situation in the country during the pre-session of the UPR, and propose the recommendations to the Brazilian State, who was also present at the event, with its Permanent Mission. It should be noted that the Report of the Brazilian State for the evaluation of the IV cycle of the UPR was only published on the eve of the pre-session of the UPR, leaving civil society in the dark regarding what information was published. Representing the Brazilian delegation, Anielle Franco was invited by the organizer of the pre-sessions, the NGO UPR Info, to speak on the intersections of police brutality and racism in Brazil. The activist brought to light the recent massacres in Rio de Janeiro and the murder of the young black, pregnant woman, Kathlen Romeo.

“These are cases that indicate that the death of the black population in Brazil is a systemic issue, promoted by the Brazilian authorities and covered up by the police forces. Instead of investigating the massacres and discriminatory violence against the Afro-Brazilian population, the Brazilian government and police try to legitimize these police operations and attack Brazilian human rights organizations, such as the Marielle Franco Institute.”

On August 31, the International Day of People of African Descent, Race and Equality held a hybrid event entitled, “Racial Discrimination in Brazil: Violence against the Black Population and Indigenous Peoples.” The event was attended by the delegation present in Geneva and aimed to make the recommendations made by these organizations for the 4th cycle of the UPR visible to the general public, expanding beyond closed meetings with Embassies and Permanent Missions. In addition, the event was also an important tool of international political advocacy for the construction of networks and partnerships between Brazilian and international organizations.

The Brazilian delegation had the opportunity to take the recommendations to the Ambassador of Chile in Geneva, Claudia Fuentes Julio. They also met with the Embassies of Canada, Australia and Argentina, the Permanent Mission of Costa Rica, France, Germany and Colombia, and with Gay McDougall, Rapporteur of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), which is responsible for monitoring the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. Faced with the current picture of violations presented, a review that will take place in November this year, charging the Brazilian State for covering up the racial issues in the country.

It is important to highlight that the delegation provided ample space for listening and dialogue in meetings with experts from UN treaty bodies, experts on afro-descendant peoples, and experts from the mechanism on police violence created by the UN in 2021. In addition, the Brazilian delegation was received by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) who is charging the Brazilian State for neglecting the well-being of the black, indigenous, and LGBTI+ populations.

International Incidence: The Paths to Geneva

The task of illuminating the ongoing human rights violations in the country for international mechanisms and their support is a major commitment for Race and Equality with civil society organizations in Brazil. For this, technical training work and support to these institutions are necessary so that their complaints and demands arrive instrumentalized to the Experts and Rapporteurs of each international body; this work is called advocacy and/ or political incidence. During the Race and Equality event in Geneva, the Executive Director, Carlos Quesada, stressed the importance of the daily construction of advocacy strategies in Brazil, “to train grassroots organizations to promote political actors through a technical training methodology so that these organizations can generate sustainable structural changes.”

Thus, in order for the Brazilian delegation to be received with its recommendations in Geneva, it was necessary to hold a meeting in Brasilia, with the Embassies of the countries that will review Brazil in the 4th cycle of the UPR, and the other Embassies present at the UPR Human Rights Council. The meetings in Brasilia took place from July 27 to July 29, and were attended by: Gilmara Cunha, General Director of the Grupo Conexão G de Cidadania LGBT de Favelas (RJ); Marina Fonseca, Anthropologist and Political Advisor at the NGO Criola (RJ); Fabiana Pinto, Sanitarian and Coordinator of Incidence and Research at the Marielle Franco Institute (RJ); and Rodnei Jericó, lawyer and Coordinator of SOS Racism of Geledés (SP). Representing Race and Equality were present: Leilane Reis, Officer of the Race and Gender Program and, Adriana Avelar, Incidence Officer in Brazil.

The meetings in Brasilia were with the Permanent Missions that evaluated Brazil in previous periods in themes of interest to the group that are connected with the current and fragile Brazilian democratic system: European Union, United States, Norway, Canada, Germany, France, Switzerland, Australia, Argentina, UK, Colombia and Chile.

The organizations sought to make visible the current regulatory frameworks that have exacerbated the vulnerability of black, indigenous and LGBTI+ populations in Brazil since the last review of the UPR, taking into account the precariousness of life due to the effects of the pandemic. Based on the recommendations made by the Embassies visited, the following themes were discussed: violence against the LGBTI+ population, police violence against the black population, black women’s health, closure of civic spaces, and indigenous peoples’ rights. The intention was to establish a dialogue with recommendations for the next cycle, to point out the social markers in force in Brazilian society and to be able to highlight the real situation of human rights violation in Brazil.

The work of political incidence is actively built-in partnership with Brazilian organizations, it’s necessary to be connected with the political and legislative proposals of the Brazilian Government so that effective action can be taken to ensure the construction and implementation of international treaties and agreements. The purpose of the route from Brasilia to the pre-sessions of the UPR in Geneva is to welcome the recommendations of the Brazilian delegation during the review of Brazil at the UPR session, which will take place on November 14, at 2:30 pm (Geneva time), and at 9:30 am (Brasília time).

What are the next steps?

The UPR is a UN mechanism in which State Parties evaluate State Parties. Therefore, UPR, along with civil society can impactfully highlight the human rights violations in Brazil and influence the evaluating states to accept its recommendations in the assessment process. As mentioned earlier, Brazil also delivered its report, in which it said it had consulted civil society on the human rights situation in the country. With this, an analysis based on advances, setbacks, and good practices is performed from all information received and, finally, the evaluated State must apply the recommendations of its peers.

If the recommendations of the Brazilian delegation are accepted and promoted by the State Parties during the UPR, the next task is to present them to the new Government that will take office in 2023, so that it becomes aware of the work of political incidence of civil society organizations. From there, the recommendations should be ratified and implemented in Brazil’s four-year public policies. Thus, civil society carries the responsibility to monitor compliance with the agenda in combating racial discrimination granted in the UN Universal Periodic Review. Race and Equality follows alongside these organizations to monitor and pressure the government in applying the international agreement.

Finally, to collaborate with the United Nations Universal Periodic Review mechanism, Brazilian organizations supported by Race and Equality propose, among others, the following recommendations addressed to the Brazilian State:

I) Ensure the occurrence of investigations into crimes committed against LGBTI persons in favela territory, enabling the collection of public data on such crimes.

II) Take urgent measures to curb and eradicate police violence at any stage of action by civil police, military, and armed forces in carrying out missions on Brazilian soil.

III) Recreate participatory councils and collegiate groups that allow participation and indigenous social control in the formulation, monitoring, implementation, and evaluation of indigenous policies of the Brazilian State in the areas of territorial management, education, health and culture, alongside the establishment of programs and measures to prevent and punish racism, discrimination, and violence against indigenous peoples, and to promote ethnic and racial equality, autonomy, and the right of peoples to be different.

IV) Conduct the implementation of the National Plan for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders and institutionalizing the Protection Program for Human Rights Defenders, Communicators and Environmentalists (PPDDH) by expanding its structure in the 26 states of the country and DF, establishing budgets, regulations and specific strategies for the reception and follow-up of cases of black, trans, and transvestite women human rights defenders, representatives of traditional peoples and communities; create indicators for monitoring and judicial mechanisms for the accountability of their main violators, highlighting the use of police brutality and militarized groups employed to suppress rights and freedoms of expression, association, belief, assembly, and political participation in Brazilian civic space.

V) Ensure access to reproductive health services, including ensuring that abortions are carried out under the conditions provided for in current legislation, without bureaucratic obstacles or embarrassment to people who are pregnant and seek care, giving special attention to the situation of black pregnant and parturient women who suffer from the impact of institutional racism on maternal health.

International Day for People of African Descent: What Are We Doing to Promote and Defend their Rights?

Washington D.C., August 31, 2022.  This August 31, the International Day for People of African Descent celebrates its second year, promoting respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms of people of African descent. In the Americas, there are 134 million people of African descent, according to the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). This population continues to face human rights challenges and is victim to different manifestations of discrimination and violence.

For this reason, as the International Day for People of African Descent is commemorated once again, the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) encourages States to assume and implement actions for the promotion and protection of this vulnerable population, using the frameworks of the International Decade for People of African Descent, and other existing mechanisms within the Inter-American System and the United Nations.

About August 31 and Other International Mechanisms

On December 16, 2020, the United Nations General Assembly adopted Resolution 75/170 proclaiming August 31 as the International Day for People of African Descent. “To promote greater recognition and respect for the diversity of the legacy, culture, and contribution of people of African descent to the development of societies, as well as to promote respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of people of African descent,” reads the Resolution.

The plan of activities for the International Decade for People of African Descent (2015-2024) has been the driving force behind this type of action. One of its main objectives is to adopt and strengthen national legal frameworks in accordance with the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, ensuring their full and effective implementation.

Additionally, the record of acts of discrimination and violence against people of African descent—such as the murder of the African-American citizen George Floyd in May 2020 in the United States—has impacted the vigilance and adoption of international mechanisms for the human rights of Afro-descendant populations and racial justice.

For example, a month after Floyd’s death, the UN Human Rights Council adopted Resolution 43/1, “Promotion and protection of the human rights and fundamental freedoms of Africans and people of African descent from excessive use of force and other human rights violations by law enforcement officials,” which calls for widespread attention to racism and implores States to take an active role in meeting their objective of racial justice.

In 2021, the United Nations adopted two important mechanisms. One of them is the Permanent Forum of Afro-descendants, which was approved in August through Resolution 75/314 of the United Nations General Assembly, with the mission of being an advisory body of the Human Rights Council. Among its mandates is that of, “contributing to the full political, economic, and social inclusion of Afro-descendants in the societies in which they live, with an equal footing to other citizens and without discrimination of any kind and contribute to ensuring the equal enjoyment of all human rights.”

Moreover, in a resolution adopted on July 13, 2021, the Human Rights Council decided to establish an international mechanism of independent experts, composed of three experts with experience in law enforcement and human rights, and appointed by the chairman. Its mandate is to examine systemic racism and the excessive use of force and other violations of international human rights law against Africans and people of African descent by law enforcement officials around the world.

What are we doing?

To contribute to living in a more just and equitable society, Race and Equality works with partner organizations in Latin America and the Caribbean in the defense and protection of the rights of people of African descent and Afro-LGBTI+ populations, using capacity building to promote visibility, documentation, and strategic litigation before the Inter-American System and the United Nations.

In July, in Brazil, Race and Equality organized a visit by Margarette May Macaulay, the Rapporteur for People of African Descent of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR). The Commissioner had the opportunity to hear complaints from the black population, especially those related to police brutality and religious racism. In addition, in May Race and Equality launched the ‘Kátia Tapety Political Training School’ for Afro-BLTI women, with the aim of strengthening civil participation in collective decision-making spaces, with particular emphasis placed on reducing gender and race gaps in political participation at the regional, national, and global level.

Additionally in Brazil, Race and Equality has been working on projects that denounce the closure of civic spaces for black and indigenous movements; the fight against religious racism; the protection and defense of the Afro-LGBTI+ populations; the political strengthening of black, indigenous LBTI women; and the fight against police violence. It also monitors the implementation of the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance (CIRDI), which was ratified at the end of 2021 in Brazil.

In Colombia, Race and Equality carried out, in conjunction with organizations in Cali, documentation activities and the preparation of a report on the effects and differential impacts of violence against people of African descent in Cali within the framework of the 2021 National Strike. In the coming days, together with the organizations Ilex-Acción Jurídica, Temblores NGOs, and the Consultancy for Human Rights and Displacement (CODHES), Race and Equality will publish a national report on police brutality and racial bias.

In relation to advocacy processes before the United Nations on the disproportionate use of force against people of African descent, Race and Equality recently presented a report for the Mechanism of Experts to Promote Justice and Racial Equality in Law Enforcement. It also submitted a report on inputs for the preparation of the report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 47/21- this in coalition with Ilex-Acción Jurídica, CODHES, Black Communities Process (PCN), and the Center for Afrodiasporic Studies (CEAF) of the ICESI University of Cali.

In Mexico, within the framework of the International Day of Afro-Latin, Afro-Caribbean and Diaspora Women, Race and Equality launched on July 25 the project, “Promotion of an anti-racist agenda to strengthen the work of civil society organizations in the fight against racism and racial discrimination in Mexico,” which is being implemented thanks to the support of the W.K. Kellogg Foundation.

One of the first activities of this project consisted of a cycle of conferences given between August 25 and 26 by Dr. Pastor Murillo, a member of the UN Permanent Forum on People of African Descent. The conferences, which were held both in Mexico City and in Mérida, Yucatán State, revolved around international tools to combat racism and racial discrimination, and the role of universities.

At the regional level, Race and Equality maintains the CIRDI 2024 campaign, “towards a region free of racial discrimination,” for the promotion of the signature, ratification, and implementation of the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Intolerance (CIRDI). Within the framework of this campaign, Race and Equality has considered working hand in hand with local organizations to strengthen their monitoring capacities in countries where this Convention has been ratified, as well as advocate in other countries where it has only been signed.

Race and Equality continues to make racial discrimination visible utilizing an intersectional perspective, through the Inter-American Forum against Discrimination, an event held each year with the participation of international experts and activists from the region. Its main objectives are to promote the effective participation of non-governmental organizations in the framework of the OAS General Assemblies and Summits of the Americas, to improve their impact within the system, and to make visible both the different discriminations faced in the Americas and the main demands of the different sectors of the population that are victims of discrimination, especially Afro-descendants and LGBTI population.

For Race and Equality, it is important to emphasize the promotion and protection tools offered by international mechanisms, such as CIRDI, for the benefit of people of African descent. We firmly believe that it is through these instruments States can adopt and implement clear and effective policies to guarantee the human rights and social welfare of people of African descent. To this end, it is essential to work with civil society organizations that protect the rights of this population, since they guarantee the visibility of their realities, and follow up on national and international commitments.

On August 31, Race and Equality reaffirms its commitment to defend and protect the rights of people of African descent in the Americas and calls on States to adopt measures and strengthen those already in place, based on the recognition of the historical inequalities that this ethnic group has faced. Two years before the end of the International Decade for People of African Descent, this task is not only urgent, but represents a true commitment to democracy and social inclusion.

Complexo da Penha Massacre: Human Rights organizations appeal to the IACHR to end police violence

Brazil, May 27th, 2022 – The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality), Marielle Franco Institute, Geledés – Black Women’s Institute, Observatório de Favelas, Justiça Global and Casa Fluminense denounce to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), the Complexo da Penha Massacre, which took place this Tuesday, May 24, during a police mega-operation in Rio de Janeiro. The communiqué sent to the IACHR calls for the protection of community residents to be guaranteed and for the extensive monitoring of reported situations of violence. So far, there are registered: 25 dead and 07 injured in the Complexo da Penha Massacre.

  • 25 people killed were taken to the Getúlio Vargas Hospital.
  • 01 body of a woman was taken directly to the Legal Medical Institute (IML)
  • 01 person killed was taken to the Emergency Care Unit of Complexo do Alemão with 08 gunshot wounds
  • 07 injured were taken to Hospital Getúlio Vargas

This extreme violence reflects the result of the public security policy of the current Governor of the State of Rio de Janeiro, Claudio Castro, who, since his predecessor, Wilson Witzel, does not respect the decision of the Federal Supreme Court (STF) that determined the State must comply with the ADPF 635, known as ADPF das Favelas. Until now, the State Government has not presented any plan to reduce police lethality; it didn’t install GPS equipment, audio and video recording systems in police vehicles or on the uniforms of officers; and as a result of these current massacres, it has set no limits on lethal force. As a result, black bodies, from favelas and outskirts, experience constant scenes of terror and even their homes become a place of fear and insecurity for all families.

According to reports, agents from the Special Operations Battalion (BOPE) and from the Federal Highway Police (PRF) entered the Vila Cruzeiro Complex at 4:00 am, firing shots with helicopters and armored tanks as support. The operation took place throughout the day and, despite the active movement of civil society organizations urging the public authorities for a ceasefire, the operation continued on its terroristic course. In this regard, the signatory organizations urge the IACHR and other international human rights organizations to constantly monitor police violence in Brazil.

It is unacceptable to continue the current security policy that goes against the basic principles of human rights, such as the right of living and housing, in addition to State protection. It must be mentioned: this massacre is yet another demonstration of the structural racism present in the actions of the Brazilian police.

We regret the lives lost and sympathize with the various families of Complexo da Penha, who once more experienced the presence of the State in their territories with violence, deaths, scarcity and tears. In light of the foregoing, we share the requests to the IACHR:

  1. To publicly comment on this case, through a statement and monitor the situations of violence reported in this document;
  2. Request the Civil Police of the State of Rio de Janeiro to carry out technical investigations on the spot, with the elaboration of reports on ballistics and possible signs of torture on the bodies, ensuring the duty of publicity of the state’s action;
  3. Demand that the State (RJ) and Federal Public Ministry investigate the police operation responsible for this massacre, including the specific need to observe possible signs of alteration of the crime scenes, as well as the impediment of residents and activists to manifest about what happened;
  4. That the State (RJ) and Federal Public Ministry provide information to the families of the victims of the massacre and keep them informed about the investigations;
  5. Considering what was determined in ADPF 635 regarding the absolute exceptionality in carrying out police operations, that is, the premise that such incursions should only occur in extraordinary situations of immediate and concrete danger to life, which cannot consist of a generic allegation about the current calamitous situation of public security in the State of Rio de Janeiro and/or on the need to repress drug trafficking and criminality, allegations that underlie the human rights violations implicit to public security policy in Brazil. It is requested that the state of Rio de Janeiro be notified of non-compliance with the criteria determined in ADPF 635;
  6. Maintain direct communication with the Brazilian government inquiring about the measures adopted to combat police violence, considering the numerous cases publicized by the Brazilian press and by the aforementioned civil society organizations.

Race and Equality launches the ‘Kátia Tapety Political Training School’

Brazil, May 06th, 2022 – On May 10 (Tuesday), at 5 PM, the International Institute of Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) promotes the launch of the Kátia Tapety Political Training School.   The inauguration will be at the Museum of Modern Art of Rio de Janeiro (MAM) and will be attended by the distinguished councilor, Kátia Tapety, and serve as well as a space for dialogue with women parliamentarians and representatives of social movements and civil society organizations.  The Kátia Tapety School of Political Training is the result of a project supported by the Open Society Foundations and the partnership with the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in Brazil.

Faced with the current political scenario in Brazil, involved in hate speech, attacks and persecution of parliamentarians and human rights defenders, whose targets are black and indigenous women – cis and trans, and the growing spread of fake news; Race and Equality created a School of Political Training that aims to prepare women (black, LBTI, indigenous and quilombolas) to participate safely and democratically in the electoral process in 2022.  To confront political and electoral gender violence, the organizations Associação Nacional de Travestis e Transexuais (ANTRA), Articulação Brasileira de Lésbicas (Red ABL) and Rede Nacional de Negras ee Negros LGBT (Red Afro LGBT), will be responsible for the nomination of pre-candidates from their networks to participate in the School of Political Training.

Thus, through technical and pedagogical training, classes will be held in a hybrid manner, from May to September, to serve women social leaders from all over Brazil who eventually have an interest in applying for an elective position in the country. The programmatic content also includes practical training so that candidates have the tools to face authoritarian policies and the necessary instrumentalization to claim their rights.  In this sense, the Kátia Tapety School of Political Training emerges as an instrument of strengthening and democratic protection to achieve full legitimacy and decision-making power in its political agendas.

“The growth of gender-based political and electoral violence in Brazil has become increasingly alarming.  In March 2021, Race and Equality, together with other organizations, denounced cases of several currently elected councilors before a hearing at the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) and, unfortunately, we continue to urge the Brazilian State to protect these women. The Kátia Tapety School of Political Training was born from this urgency to promote the active participation of women in politics in a safe and democratic way so that they have full autonomy to defend themselves from violence and guarantee their rights”, explains Carlos Quesada, Executive Director of Race and Equality.

About Kátia Tapety

Kátia Tapety was the first trans councilor elected in Brazil, in 1992, in the city of Colonia de Piauí – PI.   Various data indicate that, in fact, Kátia Tapety was the first trans woman elected to legislative office in Latin America, at a time when there was still a refusal to talk about guaranteeing civil, political and social rights for trans people. Born and raised in the country’ interior, Tapety saw and felt the effects of the military dictatorship, accompanied by the process of redemocratization of the country and, just four years after the promulgation of the citizen constitution of 1988, was elected the councilor with the highest number of votes in the municipality of Colonia do Piauí, in the rural area of Piauí.  In her political career she was appointed councillor in 1992, 1996 and 2000; Mayor of Colonia do Piauí in the biennium 2001-2002; and was finally elected vice-mayor in 2004.

Today, at the age of 74, and with an incredible life trajectory in the country that kills the most trans people in the world, Tapety faced racism and transphobia, leaving a legacy of rights and a path of openness to reach achievements for black, travesti and transgender women throughout Brazil.  Therefore, for Race and Equality, honoring her represents a process of rescuing not only memory, but mainly democratic ties. Kátia Tapety reminds us of the post-dictatorship hope that flourished in Brazil in the 1990s and of one of the milestones of the Brazilian constitution – promoting development and social equality without discrimination of any kind – and that today, more than ever, is urgent.

The Kátia Tapety School of Political Training has as its principle the unique desire to form more and more Katias throughout Brazil and around the world, strengthening civil participation in spaces of collective decision, expanding and improving democratic tools and contributing to the reduction of gender and race asymmetries in political participation at the regional, national and global level.

Agenda:

Launch of the Kátia Tapety Political Training School

Date and time: May 10th (Tuesday), 5pm to 7:30 pm (Brasília time)

Place: Cinematheque of the Museum of Modern Art of Rio de Janeiro (MAM)

Panel 1: Collective trajectories for the political participation of black, indigenous and LBTI women

Participants:

Rosângela Castro – Afro LGBT Network

Bruna Benevides – National Association of Transvestites and Transsexuals (ANTRA)

Michele Seixas – Brazilian Lesbian Articulation (ABL Network)

Panel 2: Articulations and strategies of black, indigenous and LBTI women to strengthen democracy in Brazil

Participants:

Kátia Tapety – Honoree and First Trans Afro Councilor  of Brazil

Samara Pataxó – Legal Advisor of the Articulation of the Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB) and Head of the Center for Inclusion and Diversity of the General Secretariat of the Presidency of the Superior Electoral Tribunal (TSE).

Roberta Eugênio – Lawyer and Researcher at the Alziras Institute

Keila Simpson – President of the National Association of Transvestites and Transsexuals (ANTRA)

The event will be broadcast live via Zoom and Facebook Live and will feature simultaneous translation into Spanish and English (zoom only)

Zoom Link: https://bit.ly/3s5FS3x

*All safety protocols for COVID-19  will be required and carried out

*The event is not open to the general public

International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination: The new international standards on the rights of people of African descent and racial justice, and the Inter-American Convention against Racism

Washington D.C., March 21, 2022.- Since events such as the murder of the African American citizen George Floyd, the problems of racism and racial discrimination have been positioned on the world agenda, generating reactions and measures of protection and reparation for people of African descent. It is undeniable, for example, the effort that has been made at the level of the Universal Human Rights System to create and strengthen international mechanisms in matters of human rights of this population and racial justice.

This International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, from the Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) we want to recognize the new international standards on the rights of people of African descent and racial justice, but also call that these mechanisms go from paper to reality, and we can show a full guarantee of rights for Afro-descendants throughout the world.

The mechanisms and their mandates

The aforementioned context of awareness and actions in favor of the rights of people of African descent has also been driven by the plan of activities for the International Decade for People of African Descent (2015-2024). One of its main objectives is to approve and strengthen national, regional, and international legal frameworks in accordance with the Durban Declaration and Program of Action and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and to ensure their full and effective implementation.

In 2021, the United Nations adopted two important mechanisms. One of them is the Permanent Forum of Afro-descendants, which was approved in August through Resolution 75/314 of the United Nations General Assembly, with the mission of being an advisory body to the Human Rights Council. Among its mandates is that of “contributing to the full political, economic and social inclusion of Afro-descendants in the societies in which they live, on an equal footing with other citizens and without discrimination of any kind, and to help guarantee the enjoyment in conditions of equality of all human rights.”

The resolution determines that the Forum will be composed of ten members. Five of these members—who currently include the former Vice President of Costa Rica, Epsy Campbell, and the attorney Justin Hansford of the United States—are designated by governments and elected by the General Assembly on an equitable geographic distribution basis, and five more appointed by the president of the Human Rights Council in consultation with Afro-descendant organizations. Another of its mandates is to evaluate a possible United Nations declaration on the promotion, protection, and full respect for the human rights of people of African descent, in addition to identifying best practices, challenges and opportunities and initiatives to address issues related to Afro-descendants.

On another note, in its resolution adopted on July 13, 2021, the Human Rights Council decided to establish an international mechanism of independent experts, composed of three experts with experience in law enforcement and human rights, who must be appointed by the chairman. Its mandate is to examine systemic racism and the excessive use of force and other violations of international human rights law against Africans and people of African descent by law enforcement officials around the world.

The mandate of this international mechanism of independent experts is for three years, and is clearly defined in nine tasks, among them is “making recommendations on the way in which national legal regimes use of force by law enforcement agents may conform to applicable human rights standards.” In addition, its means of action include country visits and inclusive outreach and consultations with States, directly affected individuals and communities, and other stakeholders.

Last December, it was learned that the mechanism was made up of Judge Yvonne Mokgoro from South Africa, Tracie L. Keesee from the United States and Juan Méndez from Argentina. One of their next missions, according to the resolution of the Human Rights Council, is that, together with the High Commissioner for Human Rights, they write two separate reports annually and present them to the Human Rights Council as of its 51st session, scheduled for take place between September and October of this year. This in the framework of an interactive dialogue in which priority is given to the participation of the people and communities directly affected, including the victims and their families.

Situation in Latin America

In Latin America, racism and racial discrimination are structural and persistent problems, with diverse manifestations and consequences that have their roots in the slavery imposed by European colonialism. The recent visibility of police brutality, episodes of racial profiling, systemic violence against people of African descent, and their impunity, are proof that these evils are still latent in society in the 21st century.

Given this reality, the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance (CIRDI) is configured as a powerful tool to combat these problems. This Convention was adopted by the OAS General Assembly on June 5, 2013, thus becoming the homologous convention of the International Convention on the Elimination of Racism and Racial Discrimination (CERD) of 1965, the first international instrument of universal scope from which the fight against racism and racial discrimination was prioritized, and of which the 35 member states of the OAS are part of.

To date, only six countries in the Americas (Antigua and Barbuda, Brazil, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Mexico, and Uruguay) have fully adhered to the CIRDI, that is, they have signed and ratified it. Meanwhile, seven other countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Haiti, Panama, and Peru) have only signed it, so the instrument is not yet binding in those States. Race and Equality, through the CIRDI 2024 campaign “Towards a region free of racial discrimination”, has proposed to promote the ratification and implementation of the CIRDI in most of the countries that make up the OAS.

Regarding the CERD, the CIRDI contains innovative provisions, such as placing the definition of the term “racism” in a legal instrument, as well as establishing that acts of racial discrimination can occur in both the public and private spheres, while the CERD limits these facts only to the private sphere. The CIRDI also contemplates the creation of an Inter-American Committee for the Prevention and Elimination of Racism, Racial Discrimination and All Forms of Discrimination and Intolerance. This Committee’s mission is to monitor the commitments assumed in the Convention, serve as a forum for the exchange of ideas and experiences, make recommendations to the member states, and receive reports from the States on compliance with the obligations of the Convention. However, the establishment of this Committee is subject to 10 countries ratifying the Convention, which has not yet happened.

Relevance of the CIRDI for Colombia and Brazil

In Colombia, the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance began its ratification process through the presentation of the Bill for its approval on December 16, 2021. This Convention could mean a substantial contribution to the construction of peace in Colombia with its ratification. In particular, the CIRDI would be a living legal instrument that would provide support and strengthening to the existing legal framework, especially in the recognition of racism and racial discrimination as structural phenomena that have sustained disproportionate and differentiated affectations against the black, afro-Colombian raizal, and palenquera population.

People of African descent suffered the disproportionate impacts of the armed conflict in Colombia. According to the Unit for Comprehensive Care and Reparation for Victims (UARIV), 1,177,120 Afro-Colombian people have been registered as victims in the Single Registry of Victims (RUV) to date. The Final Peace Agreement recognized the disproportionate impacts against Afro-Colombian communities, especially through the inclusion of the Ethnic Chapter, whose purpose is to generate maximum guarantees for the full exercise of human rights of ethnic communities in the country. In this sense, it points out that the Peace Agreement must be interpreted considering the existing international, constitutional, jurisprudence and legal framework, including, for example, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD).

The ratification of the CIRDI implies that the countries make modifications in their legislation to adapt to the principles and mandates of the Convention, so its ratification in Brazil in February 2021 opened a new scenario for anti-racist discourse and activism in the country, where 55% of the population is Afro-descendant. However, at the same time, an important challenge is configured, which is to guarantee its effective implementation. At Race and Equality, we have acquired the commitment to provide technical assistance to both civil society and the State so that the CIRDI becomes a reality in Brazil.

Notably, police brutality accounts for a large proportion of the murders of Afro-Brazilian men and women, including Afro-transgender women. The Brazilian Forum of Public Security documented that “the mortality rate in 2019 due to police interventions was 183.2% higher for Afro-descendants than for whites.” Along the same lines, the Brazilian Public Security Yearbook documented that Afro-descendants are the greatest victims of police lethality; in 2019, 79.1% of the victims of police interventions were Afro-descendants, while 20.8% were white.

We see then that, both at the universal level and at the inter-American level, there are strengthened and innovative mechanisms for the defense and protection of the rights of the Afro-descendant population. This is, without a doubt, a great step towards the elimination of racism and racial discrimination, since for this there has been a process of reflection and evidence of the causes, manifestations, and consequences of these evils in different areas of society. We are now faced with the task of appropriately and effectively implementing these instruments. Such a mission not only corresponds to the States as responsible for the adherence and implementation of the mechanisms, but from civil society and from the international community there must be the responsibility to follow up on these processes.

At Race and Equality, we firmly believe that these new mechanisms, added to those that have existed for several years, represent an opportunity to make visible and improve the human rights situation in the region, in the short and medium term. Therefore, we reaffirm our commitment to continue strengthening the capacities of civil society organizations so that they undertake advocacy and monitoring processes in the adoption and implementation of these instruments. In the particular case of the CIRDI, we call on States to ratify and implement this important Convention in terms of human rights, as well as activists and organizations to establish strategic routes to influence the ratification and implementation of the Inter-American Convention against Racism in their respective countries.

Protecting the Rights of Afro and Traditional Quilombola Brazilians: A Conversation Led by the Collective of Black Entities of Brazil

Washington DC, March 10, 2022 – The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race & Equality) and The Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) cordially invite you to the following event: “Protecting the Rights of Afro and Traditional Quilombola Brazilians: A Conversation Led by the Collective of Black Entities of Brazil”.

Over the past decade, the crisis of police violence in Brazil against Afro and traditional Quilombola Brazilians has exacerbated exponentially. It is a known statistic that a Black Brazilian youth dies every 23 minutes in the country, yet there has been no accountability on behalf of the state. Likewise, the lives of traditionally Black peoples, like the Quilombola communities and those of Afro-Brazilian religions such as Candomblé, continue to be threatened daily, and the state has again lacked in enforcing accountability and protecting the rights of these communities. The Collective of Black Entities (CEN), a national entity of the Brazilian Black movement, has initiated several programs to bring media attention to the crisis and support Black Brazilians who have been wrongfully incarcerated. The CEN was founded in 2003 in Bahia, the capital of Salvador, and is present today in seventeen Brazilian states and three Latin American countries. 

Join us for an event on Monday, March 14 at 2:00 p.m. with Marcos Rezende and Yuri Silva, who will discuss the state of police violence against Black Brazilians and the struggle to guarantee the rights of these marginalized communities.

Event Details:
Monday, March 14, 2022

2:00 p.m. – 3:00 p.m. EST

In-person event at Race and Equality’s DC Office:

1620 Eye (I) St, NW, Suite 925

Washington, D.C., 20006

RSVP for in-person attendance by sending  a message to: calixto@oldrace.wp

This event will also be live streamed through Zoom: Register on Zoom

Simultaneous interpretation from Portuguese to English will be available.

Panelists:

Marcos Rezende – Founder Collective of Black Entities

Yuri Silva – National Coordinator Collective of Black Entities

Moderator: Nathaly Calixto – Race and Equality Brazil Program Officer 

8M-International Women’s Day: Recognize and protect women’s leadership from an intersectional perspective

Washington DC, March 8, 2022. – The fight of women for their rights has been tireless. Although Latin America is going through critical moments in terms of democracy, human rights and security, women remain firm in the process of denouncing the violence they face and advocating for structural changes. This International Women’s Day, the Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) wants to draw attention to the importance of recognizing and protecting women’s leadership, and that this be done at all levels of society from an intersectional perspective.

We recognize that women’s life experiences are directly influenced by their gender, as well as other characteristics such as their race or ethnicity, their gender identity and expression, and the role they play in society. In this way, women human rights defenders, Afro-descendants, indigenous, lesbian, trans and women journalists, to name a few, face particular situations when exercising their leadership or their professions, which often threaten their integrity and put their lives at risk.

Below, we provide an overview of the specific problems faced by different groups of women in the region. At the same time, women from Nicaragua, Brazil, Colombia, Cuba, Peru, and the Dominican Republic offer their perspectives on how their activism and professional work are marked by the adverse contexts that prevail in their countries.

Defending Rights in a Dictatorship

Women have been active subjects and protagonists in the defense of human rights and in civic resistance since before the social unrest in Nicaragua in April 2018. In the current context, characterized by systematic state and parapolice violence, women defenders, activists, and journalists are targets of persecution, harassment, siege, threats, and deprivation of liberty. These attacks expose them to even greater risks because of their gender.

According to records from the Nicaraguan Initiative of Human Rights Defenders (IND) and the Autonomous Women’s Movement (MAM), since the beginning of the crisis in April 2018, at least 109 women defenders and activists have been arbitrarily detained, and there have been more 4,000 attacks on defenders. On the other hand, at least 12 released women have reported having been victims of some type of rape, among other attacks; and 13 women (5 of them older adults) continue to be deprived of liberty for political reasons and without adequate medical care in detention centers.

The President of the Nicaraguan Center for Human Rights (CENIDH), Vilma Núñez de Escorcia, affirms that, historically, women political prisoners have suffered serious differentiated aggressions within detention centers. She recalls that, as a political prisoner of the Somoza dictatorship, her greatest fear was that “she would be transferred to the Somoza State Security Directorate, where there was a history of sexual violations of political prisoners.” Now, she denounces that the government of Ortega and Murillo, through “perverse police officers” subjects women political prisoners to isolation, incommunicado detention, prolonged interrogations, and other forms of psychological and physical torture. She cites the cases of Suyén Barahona, Tamara Dávila, Dora María Téllez, and Ana Margarita Vijil, who have spent almost 9 months in isolation cells.

Ana Lucía Álvarez, who is a human rights defender and a relative of three political prisoners, explains that women defenders are victims of sexualized attacks such as touching, nudity, sexual torture, network dismantling, among others. Likewise, she denounces that “in one of the trials of a political prisoner, the prosecutor’s narrative was related to whether she had a partner, whether she had had sexual relations with this or that person. These are narratives that do not appear in the trials of men who are political prisoners but do appear in the trials of women who are being prosecuted and criminalized,” she concludes.

Fighting and Surviving Transphobia 

In Brazil, where civil society organizations constantly denounce the wave of violence against human rights defenders, in addition to being the country with the most murders of trans people in the world, trans women who hold public office face hate speech and lack of State protection every day. “In the 2020 elections, some 30 trans/transvestite women were elected and in the exercise of their mandates their lives are threatened, which demonstrates and justifies that we are (…) in dispute over the social project,” says Ariela Nascimento, a trans woman and parliamentary adviser to Councilwoman Benny Briolly (Niterói-RJ), who is also a trans woman.

Ludymilla Santiago, a trans leader for more than 13 years who raises her voice for women’s rights from a non-binary and inclusion perspective, points out that the issue of identity is very important for trans women and that the discourse on being a woman goes far beyond current social impositions. “We must evolve and make this diversity more and more represented to break the patriarchal hegemony,” she says.

Confronting Violence and Racism

The armed conflict in Colombia—whose greatest impact has been in areas with Afro-descendant populations—has differentially affected Afro-descendant women in the country. Among the main effects is sexual violence. According to figures from the Single Registry of Victims, 20% of all women victims of sexual violence are Afro-descendants. Luz Marina Becerra, representative of the Coordination of Displaced Afro-Colombian Women in Resistance La COMADRE, emphasizes the gaps of inequality, racism and discrimination that black, Afro-Colombian, Raizal, and Palenquera women have to face, thus making it impossible to effectively enjoy their rights.

The COMADRE has been requesting the State to comply with Resolution No. 2016-244846 for 5 years now, through which its registration in the RUV was ordered and it was recognized as an ethnic subject of collective reparation under the terms of Decree Law 4635 of 2011. However, after 5 years and numerous requests to start with this route through prior consultation, they have been denied by different state agencies, ignoring their fundamental rights.

Practicing Journalism to Resist Censorship and Violence

According to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) and its Office of the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression, Cuba is the country in Latin America with the fewest guarantees for the exercise of freedom of expression and, therefore, freedom of the press. The independent press on the Island constantly faces government censorship, harassment, and repression and, in the midst of this reality, women journalists suffer different impacts.

In the “Paper Democracy” report, the organization Article 19 reports “systematic and generalized attacks that are implemented to suffocate journalism.” It details that, during 2019, they documented that a journalist on average could be attacked up to five times in a year, but in 2020 the average increased to six times and, in 2021, it rose to eight times. And in the case of women, this situation is aggravated, since on average a journalist was attacked eight times a year in 2020 and up to 11 in the first half of 2021.

On repeated occasions, the journalist María Matienzo has been the target of interrogations, harassment, and smear campaigns on social networks in which her gender and gender expression are the focus of attack. She considers that practicing journalism in such an adverse context does not make her an activist, but she is clear that this profession forces her to cross the borders of writing and ends up accompanying other women who have suffered violence. “Hopefully saying what you think in the midst of so much adversity is some kind of leadership because sometimes we have no choice but to disagree if we want to live with some dignity,” she says.

Advocating for Equality

In Peru, lesbian women are joining forces to achieve the adoption of policies in favor of their rights to equality and non-discrimination. In the recent CEDAW Committee review of the State, a coalition called #LesbianasCEDAW advocated for this body to make specific recommendations on their rights, based on the main problems they face. One of their demands is to strengthen and implement the comprehensive sex education policy that recognizes lesbian children and adolescents as subjects of rights, in order to prevent and address all forms of violence.

Likewise, they demand that the Congress of the Republic modify article 234 of the Civil Code through the approval of legislative initiative 525/2021-CR, a bill on same-sex marriage, and that the National Registry of Identification and Civil Status (RENIEC) apply article 2050 of the Civil Code, which establishes the recognition of rights acquired abroad; the latter due to the non-recognition of the marriages of lesbian women who marry outside the country and of their children.

“In the Peruvian case, feminist lesbians have contributed to expanding the essential content of the right to equality and non-discrimination to incorporate the prohibition of discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. Likewise, to understand that lesbians and women in general do not want to be equal to men, but rather we think about equality considering differences and access to freedoms, rights, goods, and power,” says María Ysabel Cedano García, a Quechua lesbian feminist socialist.

Accompanying Discriminated Migrant Women

In recent months, the Government of the Dominican Republic has been criticized for the application of a measure that consists of deporting pregnant Haitian women. To date, some media reports the deportation of between 200 and 300 women in this condition. This situation has become a new cause of concern for the Dominican-Haitian Women’s Movement (MUDHA).

In this sense, Jenny Morón, from the Legal Department of said organization, shares that she feels privileged to have the opportunity to raise her voice on behalf of other migrant women who suffer this and other types of violence. “When I speak for women, I speak for my generation, for my offspring, I think I am building a foundation for my daughter and granddaughters to live in a world that is less discriminatory and more equal,” she affirms.

This International Women’s Day, from Race and Equality, we express our utmost admiration and respect for the work carried out by thousands of women for the recognition and guarantee of their rights. We will continue accompanying them. We also call on States to adopt laws and policies that protect their activism and professions in line with international human rights standards and, in addition, respond to their demands; all this taking into account that women are diverse and that their life experiences are marked by their characteristics and the roles they play in society. We ask the human rights systems to be protagonists in the development of national and regional standards for the protection of women, offer technical assistance to States for the adoption and implementation of the same, and recognize the diverse and intersectional identities of women.

Closing of Civic Spaces: Race and Equality, Criola, Geledés and Iepé in favor of the democratic participation of black and indigenous civil society

Brazil, February 23, 2022 – the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) through the Latin American Human Rights Consortium, joined Brazilian civil society organizations: Criola, Geledés – Instituto da Mulher Negra and the Institute for Research and Indigenous Training (Iepé), to make visible Brazil’s situation regarding the participation of organized civil society in civic spaces. Focusing on black and indigenous populations, the research aims to produce a report to denounce, before international human rights mechanisms, the current regulatory frameworks that restrict freedom of association, limit freedom of expression and extinguish channels for civic participation in the country.

In view of the current global climate of democratic tensions, Latin American countries have been facing an uptick of restrictions and attacks that threaten the participation of organized civil society in decision-making spaces. In other words, with the closing and/or tightening of civic spaces, restrictive measures aggravate the harsh conditions that civil society organizations have faced every day for decades, including arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances and murders of human rights defenders.

Added to this difficult scenario, the COVID-19 pandemic has particularly affected the region. Although some countries are among the highest numbers of infections and deaths in the world, the unequal distribution of vaccines, poor access to health services, the sharp drop in employment, and the lack of social protection systems, reveal that institutional weaknesses and structural problems that affect, especially the most vulnerable populations, have intensified. Under the pretext of maintaining security, the pandemic has also been used by governments in the region to impose greater restrictions on movement and freedom of expression, further limiting spaces for civil society to participate.

For David Alvarez Veloso, the Regional Race and Equality Coordinator for the Human Rights Consortium, this project is of paramount importance for the development and strengthening of democracy in the countries where civil society organizations play an active role in political and social life. It is also important to document and make visible the increasing restrictions and obstacles that have reduced spaces of participation. “With the support of the Consortium of Human Rights, and thanks to the work of organizations such as Criola, Geledés and Iepé in Brazil, among others, we have comparative and updated information on the effects these measures have on the different populations of the country. In this way, it is possible to empower leaders to strengthen the protection of human rights and articulate advocacy strategies at national and international levels, in order to end restrictions on citizen participation,” explains Alvarez.

Brazil and the history of threats to civil society participation

Towards the end of the dictatorial period in Brazil, civil society began to achieve voice and citizen participation to build new perspectives for a full democratic rule of law. In 1988, with the validity of a new Federal Constitution, a political conjecture came into force that valued more transparency of data, information, public budget and, also, as a new window of opportunities and rights for historically excluded groups, such as black, indigenous and LGBTI+ populations. However, since 2014, with the approval of constitutional amendments in the Dilma Roussef government – such as the anti-terrorism PEC and the sanctions related to state security until the coup d’état in 2016, which led to her impeachment – civil society’s relations with the State have intensified deeply.

These restrictive measures represented a blow to civil society because public demonstrations came to be understood as manifestations contrary to the interests of the State. However, what has been denounced by organized civil society is that during the current government of Jair Bolsonaro, the spaces for dialogue and guarantee of rights are practically null and for human rights defenders involve a dynamic of persecution, violence, surveillance and even death. The organizations denounce that even without a military decree or legal order to close civic spaces, the current relationship between the Executive and civil society prevents the debate of agendas and the presentation of social demands. In short, there is no dialogue.

Consequences for black and indigenous populations in Brazil

In November 2021, Race and Equality launched the webinar, “Closing spaces for participation: threats to civil society in Brazil, Honduras and Guatemala,” which was attended by representatives of civil society organizations, together with the vice president from Costa Rica, Epsy Campbell Barr, to denounce and outline proposals for the regional strengthening of civil society. The virtual event was attended by Lúcia Xavier, General Coordinator of Criola, who exposed the situation of persecution of human rights defenders and violations of democracy that make black and indigenous people even more vulnerable, with total erasure of their political agendas.

According to Lúcia Xavier, these attacks are reflected from the political violence that black women; cis and trans people, have been suffering with the contempt of the Executive. With lack of access to public information at the height of the pandemic, it was necessary to create a consortium between public and private sectors so that the population could follow the cases. Furthermore, Lúcia highlighted the death of human rights defenders both in cities and in the countryside, and that even protection programs are not adequately secure.

“The Brazilian Constitution guarantees the citizenship and participation of organized civil society in all policies. These sectors are not closed, these councils work, but the ability to admit and dialogue with other sectors of society no longer exists. Therefore, there is also no monitoring of policies and public budget in Brazil. Essentially, these laws immobilize the civil society participation format, and any demonstration can be considered as terrorism and a threat to national security,” emphasized Xavier during the event.” [1]

Faced with this situation of withdrawal of rights and silence, the questioning and search for justice is revealed as a path of dialogue for vulnerable populations. However, Rodnei Jericó da Silva, Coordinator of SOS Racismo do Geledés, sees with apprehension the 2022 electoral agenda, in which he believes that any incidence of civil society will overlap, but depending on the outcome of the elections there is a way for change and for civil society participation in decision-making spaces.

“The Brazilian population is mostly black, public policies or even social policies are debated in spaces where there was participation of society. The damage to the collective is enormous because the target audience is not being heard, which indicates that the possibility of error and ineffectiveness is much greater. Participation spaces improve the democratic system, strengthen society, which feels integral to the process, and together seek solutions to problems,” says Jericó.

The struggle of the indigenous population to not be completely decimated by the current government has been extremely challenging with the emptying of public institutions that ensure security and indigenous rights, such as the National Indian Foundation (FUNAI), in addition to attacks on communities and their territories throughout the country. In 2021, the vote of Marco Temporal, [2] until now suspended by the Supreme Court (STF), aims to remove the possession of indigenous lands guaranteed by the Constitution. According to Luis Donisete, Iepé’s Executive Coordinator, the closure of public spaces of indigenous and environmental policies in Brazil has major implications for the exercise of citizen participation and indigenous social control.

“The anti-democratic and anti-indigenous bias of the current government has been transformed into an orientation towards the policies of the Brazilian state, contrary to activism and the actions of organized civil society. The results are the abandonment of government programs and policies that implemented rights enshrined in our legislation in different areas: health, education, culture, territorial management, protection of indigenous lands. Today there are no more channels of dialogue between indigenous representatives and different governmental bodies. It is a huge setback that will take years and a lot of dedication to rebuild,” denounces Donisete.

In this context of uncertainties, denunciations and silencing of civil society in Brazil, Race and Equality makes a call to international human rights mechanisms for a framework that can be further aggravated with the elections taking place in the country in November 2022. Considering the setbacks and limitations to citizen participation mentioned above, and to strengthen the role of civil society in democratic life, it is important that the Brazilian state advances, among others, in:

 1 – As provided for in the Constitution and in the laws, guarantee the political participation of organized civil society in public institutions and decision-making spaces of power, with effective monitoring of policies and public budget;

2 – Ensuring transparency in access to public information and carrying out data collection for the construction of intersectional public policies, as provided by the Access to Information Law;

3 – Strengthen the Program for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, Communicators and Environmentalists (PPDDH), which has been falling apart, especially due to low budget execution, as well as the weakening of popular participation in the PPDDH Deliberative Council. [3]

4 – Create civil society participation councils taking into account the different realities of the Brazilian population. The councils must be a space for listening and decision-making for the most vulnerable populations, including black, indigenous, quilombolas, and gypsy peoples.

 

 

[1] These councils operate theoretically, but in practice they are unable to incorporate the perspective of civil society.

[2] https://g1.globo.com/politica/ao-vivo/supremo-judento-marco-temporal-terras-indigenas.ghtml

[3] https://terradedireitos.org.br/uploads/arquivos/Relatorio–Comeco-do-Fim.pdf

 

 

Interview with Jurema Werneck: The resounding voice of the Ialodês on Black Consciousness Day

To celebrate Black Consciousness Day, symbolized in Brazil as the memory and death of the quilombola leader Zumbi dos Palmares, the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) is pleased to share an interview with Jurema Werneck, one of the main references of the black movement in the country. In addition to being the Director of Amnesty International in Brazil, Jurema is the founder of the NGO Criola. She has a Doctorate in Communication and Culture, as well as a Master’s degree in Production Engineering. Her professional career is proof that the intersectional perspective is essential to build plural knowledge, a diverse vision of the world and the society that constitutes it.

If November 20th makes us relive a memory of the struggle for racial consciousness and black freedom, Jurema Werneck is the personification of the Ialodês, which as she describes in a publication [1], “Ialodê also refers to the representation of women, to the types of emblematic women, female political leaders of fundamental urban action (…) the one who speaks for all and participates in instances of power (…) who position themselves as political agents of change, and  main holders of the conquered wealth.” We welcome the opportunity to present a summary of a rich conversation with Ialodê Jurema Werneck, who shared with us her perceptions of the struggle for human rights, police violence, femicide, black women, as well as her participation in the Covid CPI,[1] whose final report was delivered to the Brazilian Senate in October.

COVID-19 Pandemic

Race and Equality – Your participation in the Covid CPI reveals the consequences of denial and that, in the first year alone, 120 thousand lives could have been saved if we had followed world protocols and an effective public health policy. Could you tell us about the experience of participating in the Covid CPI process? Do you believe there will be consequences for the current government?

Jurema Werneck – The Covid CPI inquiry makes visible that everything done during the pandemic was done erroneously, it also demonstrates the type of people running the government. People who have no commitment to ethics, in fact their commitment is to take ownership of public affairs and profit from the country. I see that this ‘novela’ that developed into the Covid CPI, in a way, reminds us that there is a layer of interests, and that people are feeling the impact of all of this. And with that, the government’s approval plummets, because it’s a fact, there’s no government, it’s misgovernment.

Participating in the CPI was a collective effort. I was the spokesperson for several organizations including Amnesty International. We agreed that I would be the spokesperson. My work was to prepare and present the research that was commissioned even before the CPI, which was carried out by researchers from the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ) and the University of São Paulo (USP). It was a survey presented to the Federal Government, and we believed the CPI was our opportunity. This also helped legitimize a perception that everything could have been different. Moreover, our work looks to demonstrate that even without a vaccine [2] lives could have been saved if basic public health was addressed. Other than that, personally, it was a practice of everyday activism, I went there to do what I wanted to do, so I found it to be a privilege.

And now, with more than 600,000 lives lost and a scenario where there is finally a vaccine to combat the pandemic, the government deniers still remain in power. How do we confront the pandemic in the coming years?

Jurema Werneck – We call him a negationist, but he is not a negationist. He has an alliance with strategies of death and destruction. There is a political project, it is an actively defined trajectory. It is not only a refusal, but also participating in an extremely dangerous movement that is opposite to life.

Brazil remains under permanent torture. He is a torturer who inflicts pain, either from the poor management of the pandemic or from any other chapter of his “administration.” Where do we go from here? We have to remember that it was not only him, but the pandemic also has a responsibility at the state and municipal level. Amnesty launched a campaign last year aimed at governors and mayors, including municipalities on behalf of indigenous and quilombola rights. The operation of the system demonstrates a joint responsibility, it’s not only the responsibility of legislation. So, in other words, the range of people involved in the 600,000 deaths is not a simple task.

I see that this also has a repercussion in society and in a way in all of us. 600,000 deaths represents a great deal of tragedy and behind these deaths there is a huge contingent of mourners, including orphans, the sequels of COVID-19. The legacy it has is outside of ethics, politics and public health, with the further deepening of social inequalities. It was black women who paid the highest price and who died the most from COVID-19 in the beginning. In other words, the number of challenges and sequels that we have to face is very large.

Police Violence

Race and Equality – Recently, Michelle Bachelet, UN Commissioner for Human Rights, denounced in her report on police violence and systemic racism the dimensions police brutality operates in the lives of black people, she cited the cases of Luana Barbosa and João Pedro in Brazil. From an intersectional perspective, black LGBTI+ people, especially transgender people in prison, are among the victims of acts of racism and LGBTIphobia. How can we resist racism and LGBTIphobia in a society that considers black bodies killable and disposable?

 Jurema Werneck – The first way for us to act on this theme is to recognize and highlight the urgency, because they are cases of life and death. They are killing people. People are dying physically and existentially. Today the situation is so bad that I am celebrating the small victories of discursive achievements. Since Amnesty International began working on police lethality and the death of young black people, we have been engaging with the UN High Commissioner on the issue. It’s good to see Michelle Bachelet talk about the issue at hand, because it was her duty, but it’s still a small victory. Unfortunately, this won’t save Luana’s life because she’s already dead, the situation is extremely severe with death as our indicator— it’s murder. Our condition is grave and dire, and the point of departure is already the bloodiest tip of the iceberg.

The black movement has been working on this for a long time. In 1978, the murder of a young black man inspired a group of representatives of federations of various organizations to congregate at the stairs of the Municipal Theater in São Paulo, creating the Unified Movement against Police Violence, which later came to be known as the Unified Black Movement (MNU). However, we went from 1978 until very recently discussing amongst ourselves. It had no United Nations, no white organization and no human rights organizations. There was no national law addressing race, it was only in the United States. Sueli Carneiro, Lélia Gonzalez and Amauri Mendes, among others were at that time trying to hegemonize the struggle. What I’m saying is that we have small victories, but they’re not enough. What we want is to save lives right now, because people are dying. And that’s not enough, and that’s our anguish. The political transformation process is time-consuming, it does not save all the lives it needs to.

We can’t account for how much of Bachelet’s speech influences saving lives, but it ends up in some way influencing, not just because it pulls the brakes on certain hands, or fingers on the trigger, it is the United Nations after all. On the other hand, there are others who ignore figures like Bachelet, because the president said something else, and they will listen to the president. If we have the president on one side and Bachelet on the other, we are trying to create strategy. We are trying to tie the game to give us space to keep fighting. As an activist, I don’t see a way out that isn’t a struggle. We know where we want to go, and how to save people’s lives. How long will it take? We know it’s not a linear trajectory. What tools are needed? All. Change can only be made with struggle.

Femicide and Black Women

Race and Equality – The ‘Atlas of Violence 2021’ confirmed the unfortunate statistic that black women are the most targeted victims of violence in Brazil: 66% of women murdered, showing that in 11 years, the homicide of this population increased by 2%, while the murder of non-black women dropped 27% in the same period (3).  Could you comment on this racist violence that makes black women the biggest victims of femicide.

Jurema Werneck – In racist regimes, black men and women will be the biggest victims of violence. Whatever the classification of violence, we will be the biggest victims along with the indigenous people and the gypsies. It’s inescapable and that’s why we want to end racism. We managed to influence the government and UN Women to create statistics and demonstrate what we already knew; we are the most targeted victims. The complexity of this phenomenon means remembering that racism is patriarchal and cis-heteronormative, as the NGO Criola says. In this core of intersectionality, we can identify the victims; they are black trans women and black cis women. It is worth remembering that trans women are not in this femicide statistic and, even so, we know that victimization among them is even greater than among cis women. It is important to emphasize that we are also victims of police led homicides outside of gender relations.

What I’m trying to say is, take a death stat and you’ll find the black woman there. In recent years we have been the ones who have hegemonized this discourse. However, there is still a lot of progress to be made, even more so now that everything has been dismantled. In the debate for the creation of the Maria da Penha Law. We already said that a mechanism had to be put in place to confront racism, because black women were the biggest victims. Brazil still celebrates this law to this day, but those people who built and hegemonized the Maria da Penha Law excluded and refused to put in place mechanisms to protect the lives of black women. These are the people who say we have to go to the police, but since when is the police an ally of a black woman or any black person? It is necessary to face racism and denounce it wherever you are. The Maria da Penha Law works for white women because it was built for them. We need to find another mechanism or reform this one to work.

Amidst the struggles and challenges of the Brazilian black population shared by Jurema Werneck in this interview, Race and Equality reaffirms the importance of the anti-racist perspective in confronting the violence and oppression that systematically dehumanize and erase black people. It is through the commitment to an anti-racist and feminist agenda, and confronting neoliberal policies that undermine rights, that we envision a horizon of collective responsibility and a future in which human rights are, in fact, a possible language of respect for all the ways of being and existing. Thus, we recommend to the Brazilian State:

1 – Implement reparation policies for the victims of COVID- 19 and their families, whether orphans, those bereaved, and the long-term sequelae due to the virus;

2 – Produce intersectional indicators on police brutality against black women;

3 – Implement the Inter-American Convention against Racism as a legal instrument to change and create laws to combat racism;

 

 

[1] Text “De Ialodês e Feministas: Reflexões sobre a ação política de mulheres negras na América Latina e no Caribe”

[2] At the time of the CPI research and its presentation, there was still no vaccine for COVID-19

[3] https://www.uol.com.br/universa/noticias/redacao/2021/08/31/atlas-da-violencia-2021.htm

[Note] The COVID-19 CPI, also known as Pandemic CPI, Coronavirus CPI, or simply COVID CPI, is a parliamentary commission of inquiry undergoing in Brazil, with the goal to investigate alleged omissions and irregularities in federal government spending during the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil

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