World AIDS Day: Race and Equality calls for Brazil and Colombia to guarantee equality in HIV treatment

World AIDS Day: Race and Equality calls for Brazil and Colombia to guarantee equality in HIV treatment

This December 1, the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) honors and stands in solidarity with all people living with HIV on World AIDS Day. Established by the World Health Organization (WHO) in October 1987, with support from the United Nations (UN), the date aims to raise awareness and promote dialogue on sexual rights in an inclusive and responsive way for HIV prevention. In addition, this date aims to break stigmas about the reality of people living with the virus, being a day of visibility and solidarity.

Brazil: Structural racism and LGBTIphobia as barriers in the treatment of AIDS

In Brazil, throughout the month of December, the “Red December” awareness campaign is celebrated, symbolized by a red ribbon that, globally, represents solidarity and commitment in the fight against AIDS. However, the country, that was once a world reference for the treatment of AIDS, currently faces a dismantling of the Unified Health System (SUS) accompanied by setbacks in public policies such as governmental decrees that have demoted departments dealing with the monitoring and prevention of sexually transmitted diseases, under which HIV is considered.

In its chapter on the right to health, the report “What is the color of the Invisible? The human rights situation of the Afro-LGBTI population in Brazil”, published by Race and Equality, provides data that explains the worrisome advancement of HIV / AIDS in the country [1]. As the document points out, structural racism and LGBTIphobia combined with the advancement of religious conservatism, constitute obstacles to the equal treatment of HIV for the entire population. The State’s lack of responsibility in the face of a moralistic discourse, incites society to prejudiced and LGBTIphobic practices when facing the fallacy that HIV is a virus that only infects homosexual people. As a result, any discussion on sex education was eliminated from schools.

According to the report, between 2007 and 2017, there was a 700% increase in HIV infection rates among people ages 15 to 24. This data is from the previous government, but it is known that due to the advancement of religious conservatism, currently, there are explosions of HIV cases among young people and adolescents who have not had access to the necessary public health information. Additionally, the report shows the impact of racism on healthcare and treatment, evidenced by the large discrepancy in relation to race and sex in the increase in cases of HIV infection and the development of AIDS, between 2008 and 2018.

Epidemiological data, explained by the report, shows that for both men and women, while the number of deaths from AIDS has decreased among white people, it has increased considerably among Black people. In 2018, there were 2,885 (40.3%) deaths of white men and 4,219 (59%) deaths of Black men. For women, the same differences occur. In 2008, there were 1,804 (47.4%) deaths of white women and 1,981 (52.1%) deaths of Black women. In 2018, there were 1,309 (37.7%) deaths of white women and 2,136 (61.5%) deaths of Black women.

The document criticizes the invisibility of lesbian women, transgender women, travestis and trans men in the data provided in the epidemiological bulletin. Placed within patterns of universal cis-heteronormativity, consequently, these groups no longer have public health policies that understand their real needs and, once again, are erased from the discussion and left more vulnerable.

The report reveals that, “A meta-analysis carried out based on data from 15 countries [2], estimated that 33.1% of trans women in Brazil lived with HIV, only behind Argentina (33.5%) and India (43.7% ), according to the data recorded up until 2011. That same survey pointed to the alarming estimate that trans women were 49 times more likely to contract HIV than other people.”

In this sense, the report brings to light the impact caused by structural racism and LGBTIphobia, condemning a large part of the Brazilian population to situations of extreme vulnerability in care and treatment for a dignified health condition. With this, the advancement of HIV / AIDS in Brazil again puts the country at risk of a pandemic, seeing as the dismantling of social programs essential for the maintenance of the population’s health serve as grounds for the proliferation not only of diseases, but also inequality and intolerance.

HIV/AIDS in Colombia: a success story without victories

 The annual global report from the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV / AIDS (UNAIDS), published in 2020 [3], reveals that Colombia is one of the few countries in Latin America where the rate of HIV infections has decreased in the last decade. Despite this, the general figures hide the lack of progress in serving the most vulnerable groups, seeing as high mortality rates still persist. However, there are other structural barriers that prevent these populations from accessing programs already proposed by the Government under this global strategy.

First, there is an important gap in access to health services due to the high rates of informal work and unemployment in the country which limit the possibilities of accessing services for the diagnosis of the disease, specifically for early diagnosis allowing for timely action and treatment. Today, the epidemic is concentrated in specific groups, two of which belong to the LGBTI population: “men who have sex with men”, MSM (this category includes bisexual men and men who do not declare themselves “gay”), and “trans women ”, MT (trans people who are born men and are now women). Within these groups, seropositivity levels are found to be highly elevated.

In Bogotá, the contagion rates in 2018 were around 17% (MSM) and 20% (MT). In contrast, the prevalence for the rest of the population in Bogotá is 0.5%, for those between the ages of 15 and 49 [4]. According to the Ministry of Health, at the national level, men who have sex with people of the same sex have a prevalence of HIV infection of 20.4% and transsexual women of 23.4% [5]. Despite these figures, there are no specific programs that allow these groups to access rapid tests or relevant information on them.

The second major barrier is the discrimination and prejudice that still exists around the subject. The stigma represented by HIV involves disrespectful and unnecessary inquiries about people’s sexual identity, their performance as a sex worker or about drug use. This is especially shocking if we take into account that in the main cities of Colombia, cases of contagion increased in trans women by more than 15% in 2019, among whom sex work continued to be one of the most common sources of income [6 ]. There is a negative burden associated with the disease that sends a message of death and / or undesirability to society about people living with HIV.

Just last year, the Colombian Constitutional Court eliminated the section of the penal code that criminalizes HIV transmission, noting that the law violated principles of equality and non-discrimination, considering that it discriminated against people living with the virus, stigmatizing it and limiting their rights [7]. As long as there are little to no specific programs for these populations on how to access healthcare and that work toward eliminating prejudices about the disease in general, it is clear that the fear of undergoing medical treatment and of society’s response will prevail over the search for a diagnosis.

Finally, returning to the idea that the Colombian government needs to strengthen its preventive response, it is important to understand that the phenomenon of HIV / AIDS presents itself as a serious global public health issue, in which we must not only discuss the natural context of the disease, but also a process that involves several dimensions, such as the social, economic and cultural ones.

The context of the COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated these difficulties. Although UNAIDS recommended that all countries distribute antiretrovirals to patients for periods of three months rather than monthly, in order to prevent them from excess exposure to COVID-19 from frequent outings, Colombia did not accept this provision [8]. This decision, in addition to the difficult socioeconomic conditions that already affect the LGBTI population, currently limits the access to health services by LGBTI persons [9].

On this day, Race and Equality calls upon States throughout Latin America to guarantee racial and sexual equality in the treatment of HIV, in addition to reinforcing the urgent need for sex education campaigns, whether in school environments or in public spaces. It is necessary to break stigmas and strengthen HIV prevention so that the world is not hit by another pandemic that, as is known, can be controlled. With this, we urge States to adopt the following recommendations:

1- Carry out the recommendations of the IACHR contained in its report on Violence against LGBTI people (2015) and adopt comprehensive measures that effectively combat discrimination and violence faced by LGBTI people living in poverty and extreme poverty; [10]

2- That guidelines be developed so that medical and nursing schools address – in their curricula, research, extension groups and in their academic events – topics such as sexual orientation and gender identity, so that, from their education, health professionals better understand the specific needs of LGBTI people, in particular transgender people.

3- That measures of awareness and training of professionals working in the health area be adopted, ensuring equal treatment for LGBTI people.

 

 

[1] Report available at: http://oldrace.wp/es/es_publicaciones/

[2] Argentina, Australia, Brazil, El Salvador, Spain, United States, Netherlands, India, Indonesia, Italy, Peru, Pakistan, Thailand, Uruguay and Vietnam.

[3] Available at: https://www.unaids.org/sites/default/files/media_asset/ 2020_global-aids-report_en.pdf

[4] Available at: https://www.revistaarcadia.com/periodismo-cultural—revista-arcadia/articulo/ lgbt-political-and-the-challenge-confront-hivsida-in-colombia / 68263 /

[5] Available at: https://www.radionacional.co/noticias/comunidad-lgbti-coronavirus

[6] Available at: http://unradio.unal.edu.co/nc/detalle/cat/un-analisis/article/vih-en-america- latina.html

[7] Available at: https://www.corteconstitucional.gov.co/relatoria/2019/C-248-19.htm

[8] Available at: https://www.unaids.org/sites/default/files/country/documents/COL_2020_countryreport.pdf

[9] Available at: https://www.radionacional.co/noticias/comunidad-lgbti-coronavirus

[10] IACHR. Violence against LGBTI Persons. 2015, p. 227, par. 382. Available at: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/reports/pdfs/ViolenceLGBTIPersons.pdf

State Department Should Push for Justice After Afro-Brazilian Man Killed by Security in Carrefour Store

Washington D.C., November 24th, 2020.– The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) and the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) add their voices to the thousands of Brazilians calling for justice for the November 19 murder of João Alberto Silveira Freitas in Porto Alegre, Brazil. According to videos circulating on social media, Mr. Silveira Freitas was beaten to death by Carrefour security guards after an alleged disagreement took place between Mr. Freitas and the guards.

This incident is just one of many acts of violence committed against Afro-Brazilians. Sadly, it took place a day prior to Brazil’s Black Awareness Day. On this day, Brazilians honor Francisco Nzumbi, better known as “Zumbi dos Palmares,” who in the late 1600s founded the Quilombo do Palmares, a community of people who resisted slavery. Instead of taking this opportunity to urge Brazilians to examine the connection that exists between systemic racism and violence in the country, the country’s leaders were quick to downplay this murder. On Saturday, President Jair Bolsonaro stated at the G-20 summit that some are trying to destroy Brazil’s diversity by “fueling race division..undermining the fight for equality.” The day prior, Vice President Hamilton Mourao stated to the press that “there’s no racism in Brazil.”

In a country where Afro-Brazilians are three times more likely than other Brazilians to be victims of homicide, such dismissive statements are troublesome. To its credit, Carrefour’s French CEO Alexandre Bompard stated that internal measures taken so far regarding the relationship with security contractors are insufficient and called for more comprehensive actions. Carrefour Brazil fired the security firm and is pushing that the guards are held legally accountable for their actions.

The U.S. government, as a party to the U.S.-Brazil Joint Action Plan to Eliminate Ethnic and Racial Discrimination, should push Brazil to be self-critical when it comes to this incident, seek justice, and encourage the country to advance anti-racism efforts.

International Trans Day of Remembrance: Remembering and reaffirming the struggle for equality and justice

Washington, D.C., November 20th, 2020.- On November 20th, International Day of Trans Remembrance, the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) remembers the trans people who have been killed around the world, especially in Latin America and the Caribbean, where the majority of such killings take place according to civil society reports. Race and Equality spoke with six trans activists from across the region who keep the memory of those killed alive and carry on the struggle for equality and justice.

An unimaginable reality

Brandy Carolina was 32 years old when she was stabbed to death by a man in the La Chinita neighborhood of Barranquilla, Colombia. Brandy was known as an extrovert who dreamed of earning enough money to buy a house for her mother, but she was killed for being a trans woman before she could make her dream a reality. Her death and the hateful motives behind it were reported by organizations that defend the rights of Colombians with diverse sexualities and gender identities.

“She never expressed fear beforehand, she was confident in herself, and really, nobody expects to die, it comes suddenly and where you don’t expect it,” said Andra Hernández, a representative of the Boyacá LGBTI Network and a member of Femidiversas. However, Andra pointed out that La Chinita was also the site of two murders in the months before Brandy’s death: the killing of a trans woman on April 16th, and the murder of a lesbian woman on March 26th. “We didn’t expect that someone so close to us would meet the same fate, at the hands of a society that doesn’t respect diversity and difference. You can never be prepared for a death, much less being murdered for being trans,” she said.

Every year, in the lead-up to Trans Day of Remembrance, the international organization TransRespect Against Transphobia publishes a detailed report on the killing of trans and gender-diverse people around the world. This year’s report reveals that between October 1st, 2019 and September 30, 2020, there were 350 such murders. 82% occurred in Latin America, with Brazil (152 murders),[1] Mexico (45), and Colombia (16)[2] atop the list of countries with the most killings.

Dying two times

Santiago Balvin, a non-binary trans-masculine activist from Peru, affirmed the importance of commemorating trans people who have been killed. According to Santiago, these victims continue to suffer discrimination and erasure after their deaths: “There is a feeling of frustration because you can’t do anything – their families don’t recognize their names, the media does not report about their identity correctly, it’s very painful when your sister’s death is treated this way and it keeps happening with impunity.”

Santiago also emphasized the importance to Peru’s LGBTI community of marking the Tarapoto Massacre, also known as the Night of the Gardenias, a targeted killing of transgender people on May 31st, 1989 that is recognized as the worst hate crime against transgender people in Peru’s history. According to Santiago, Peruvian civil society organizations have recorded five murders of transgender people in 2020.

Victoria Obando, a Nicaraguan human rights activist and former political prisoner, told Race and Equality that for her, Trans Day of Remembrance is a day to honor the struggle for trans rights, a struggle in which most of those killed had participated during their lives. “We live in a society that does not recognize us as part of society. It’s a tragedy what the trans population has to go through, especially trans women. They don’t recognize that we are also human beings,” she said.

Nicaragua does not have reliable data about violence against trans people, a failure which Victoria links to the broader socio-political crisis affecting the country. She also denounced the tendency to sideline trans activists in discussions about how to return democracy to the country. “Some people think in terms of categories like ‘special topics’ and see trans rights as something secondary to be kept in a box. As an activist, I have had to fight for acceptance; some people underestimate my abilities because of my identity,” she said.

Exclusion and impunity

Athiany Larios Fonseca, a Nicaraguan trans woman living in exile in Costa Rica, recalls one of the first times she encountered anti-trans discrimination. “My friend and her partner were attacked with stones outside her house; she later asked me why people treat us so badly, and I started to cry. People attack us and even kill us because of this hate, because we are not a woman or a man according to their biological rules,” she told Race and Equality.

Christian King, an activist with TRANSSA in the Dominican Republic, explained that Trans Day of Remembrance “is about recognition and reaffirming our trans companions who have lost their lives to discrimination, transphobia, and prejudices that come from a lack of political will or public policies that protect trans rights and penalize discrimination.”

In the Dominican Republic, the Observatory on the Human Rights of Trans People has registered 49 hate crimes against trans women, of which only 5 have been tried and led to sentences against the perpetrators. Along with TRANSSA, the Observatory advocates for a national Law on Equality and Non-Discrimination, a Law on Gender Identity, and the full implementation of the National Human Rights Plan.

The state’s responsibility

Bruna Benevides, a leader of the National Association of Travestis and Transsexual People (ANTRA)[3] in Brazil, stated that violence against trans people stems from a long historical process by which trans people are rendered invisible, denying them their most basic rights. Bruna placed the blame squarely at the foot of the state, which has failed to respond to trans people’s needs. “We see a growing neoliberal trend around the world, leading to fascism. The specter of “gender ideology” and the belief that trans people, women, and Black people must continue to be subordinated are central to this trend,” she added.

Bruna also emphasized the ways in which COVID-19 has exacerbated violence against trans people, with inequality, unemployment, hunger, and social exclusion all worsening during the pandemic. As TransRespect’s report makes clear, the pandemic has had a disproportionate effect on trans people, particularly trans people who are also excluded from society because they are women, Black or another racial minority, sex workers, migrants, young people, or poor.

Bruna went on: “Sadly, the lack of action and the lack of attention to trans people, the way that we are treated as invisible, leaves us without any state assistance. As a result, we are more vulnerable to violence. This is part of a broader logic that decides who can be killed, who can be discarded, who is not part of the hegemonic structure and can be exterminated easily. We are the country with the most killings of trans people in the world, and this year we are at the top of the ranking once again.”

On International Trans Day of Remembrance, Race and Equality calls on all states to remember their obligation to protect and promote the rights of all people without discrimination. Faced with a worldwide crisis of violence and murders against trans people, we offer the following recommendations:

  • States should adopt the necessary laws and policies to guarantee recognition, respect, and inclusion for people with diverse sexualities and gender identities
  • States should establish special mechanisms to respond to acts of violence against LGBT people, leading to full investigations, sanctions for those responsible, and guarantees of non-repetition
  • States should utilize official channels and resources to educate the population about sexual diversity and gender identity in order to promote societal recognition and respect for LGBTI people and their rights

[1] Data recorded by ANTRA, a Brazilian LGBTI advocacy organization

[2] Civil society organizations based in Colombia reported an additional 14 cases, for a total of 30

[3] Travesti is a Portuguese term for a person who was assigned male at birth, but who identifies and self-expresses as female, with or without any related medical interventions.

Lesbian Resistance Collective creates project to map the socio-cultural situation and emotional state of lesbian and bisexual women in Rio’s Maré Favela Complex

In hopes of presenting the daily experiences of lesbian and bisexual women from the slums, specifically those who live in the Maré Favela Complex in Rio de Janeiro, the Lesbian Resistance Collective of Maré created a project to map the socio-cultural and emotional situation of lesbian and bisexual women.  The project was organized by Beatriz Adura Martins and Dayana Gusmão (Read: https://bit.ly/2TDB5ES), and the research was carried out in partnership with the Institute of Psychology at the Federal Fluminense University (UFF) between November 2019 and June 2020. The mapping project is available for download on the Metanoia Editora website, run by lesbian women Léa Carvalho and Malu Santos. [1]

Their experiences were shared within Espaço Casulo, or Cocoon Space in English, where the therapeutic group took place, as well as in other social spaces used by the collective, allowing the mapping to take place alongside this region’s residents, rather than somewhere distant from their everyday realities. Before the research began, the psychology students leading it first learned about the situations that permeate lesbian and bisexual experiences within the favelas by exploring the realities of the Maré Favela Complex in person. From this exploration, fundamental questions were born that now form the mapping project.

The document aims to register and denounce the scarcity of information on lesbian favela experiences, particularly non-violent ones, seeing as hegemonic representations of favelas remit the violence and abandonment of public power. “Generally, these surveys only deal with middle-class lesbian women and/or those ‘on track,’ and the reality of lesbians in the favelas ends up being ignored. For this reason, the idea of ​​the mapping project is to affirm these existences in Maré and not to tell them how they should be,” explains Beatriz Adura [2]. Thus, she presents the question: how can numbers and surveying serve to chart subjective experiences?

Based on these reflections, the organizers affirm that this is pioneer research, as they know of no other socio-cultural and emotional mapping of lesbians and bisexuals within Brazilian favelas. With this, they hope to extend the discussion to many other mapping projects about these women’s realities across the country. The organizers emphasize that the plurality of “lesbianalities” needs to be made visible, as research reflects that, even in Maré, there are unique differences between their realities and those of other women. As  outlined in their objectives, the mapping intends to influence the construction of public policies that consider the specific lived experiences of lesbian and bisexual women from these communities, as well as to open debate and produce conviviality that contributes to the elimination of social marginalization that lesbians face in the Maré favelas.

Eight out of the 16 total favelas within the complex were included in the mapping project. The 40-question long questionnaire obtained a total of 59 respondents who answered questions about race, housing, maternity, religion, basic sanitation, and family relationships, among others. Having a majority of university student respondents, the project highlights the importance of community college entrance exams in Maré.  Looking at questions related to gender, researchers noted that these questions are more advanced academic questions. Gender is not a common topic that is considered in the daily lives of these women, so much so that 20% chose not to answer these questions and three designated themselves as non-binary.

Regarding race, 70% declared themselves to be non-white, a fact that the organizers see as vital to creating public policies that contemplate the reality of the favelas, as, generally, these surveys focus on the perspectives of white and middle-class lesbian women. More specifically, 47.5% declared themselves Black; 28.8%, white; 20.3%, brown; 3.4%, Indigenous; and no person claimed to be Asian. “We draw attention to the importance of specific surveys on methods of favela sociability that often do not appear in the statistics of generic surveys, always leaving the favela population destined to talk about their problems and violence. Lesbians living in the favelas of Maré exist and are mostly Black, brown, and Indigenous, representing 71.2% of this population,” the report indicates.

In regard to violence, the interviewees said they felt safer and more comfortable within the favela to express their sexuality, as they have already suffered attacks outside of it. With this, the research reveals that domestic violence is something that characterizes the daily life of lesbians in Maré. Many of them have already been referred by family members to some sort of conversion therapy [3] based on religious practices.  In this sense, this data reflects how the advancement of the conservative agenda and the growth of neo-Pentecostal churches in the region influence the situation of violence and the denial of lesbian existence. For these women, psychological violence represents twice as much oppression as physical violence, resulting in 70% of them declaring that they have no religion.

Given this scenario, the organizers explain that uniting the of lesbians in Maré was important for the construction of research, however, this was only the first stage. At the moment, the Lesbian Resistance Collective of Maré is looking for sponsorship for the second phase of the mapping project in order to cover more favelas throughout the complex. Few financial resources, the lack of technological material and even the difficulty in access to internet, made the project difficult to complete, not mention the COVID-19 pandemic that delayed the end of their research.

“Police violence was another factor that made research difficult. At various times when we were able to mobilize women to answer the questionnaire, police operations were taking place. Militarization only caused damage. For this reason, this research is done from a perspective of demilitarization of the favela and people’s lives. It is necessary to create a territory of care, of life production and not of control,” says Dayana Gusmão. [4]

The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human rights congratulates all involved in the elaboration of the dossier and supports all research that affirms the favela as a place of knowledge production. In this sense, we recommend that the Brazilian State:

1 – Create public policies that contemplate the diversity and intersectionality of lesbian women from slums;

2 – Undertake policies that aim to demilitarize slums, not only during the pandemic, but as a continual local policy;

3 – Implement the IACHR’s recommendations from its report on Violence against LGBTI people (2015) regarding actions to analyze and assess the prevalence of violence against lesbian and bisexual women: adopt specific measures to prevent and investigate this type of violence with a differential approach that considers power relations at the intersection of sex, gender, sexual orientation and gender expression [4]

 

[1] Access the mapping project: https://bit.ly/2TDB5ES

[2] Speeches presented during the launch of mapping project on YouTube at the Maré Museum, which took place on October 17th.

[3] Access the report on Conversion Therapies by the UN IESOGI, Victor Madrigal-Borloz: https://undocs.org/A/HRC/44/53

[4] IACHR. Violence against LGBTI people. 2015, p. 311, par. 69. Available at: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/reports/pdfs/violencelgbtipersons.pdf

The launch of the report “What is the color of the Invisible?” calls on the Brazilian State to produce data and recognize the racial agenda of the LGBTI population

“Race and Equality wants to give a space to voices that denounce the human rights violations of the Black LGBTI population to the Brazilian State.” With these words, Carlos Quesada, Executive Director of the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality), began the event to launch the report What is the color of the Invisible? The human rights situation of the Afro-LGBTI population in Brazil.  The event allowed Race and Equality to reaffirm its commitment to the Afro-LGBTI population in Brazil. Written by Isaac Porto, LGBTI Program Officer in Brazil for Race and Equality, and coordinated by Zuleika Rivera, LGBTI Program Officer at Race and Equality in Washington D.C., the report calls on the Brazilian State to provide public data on the situation of this specific community in Brazil and to recognize the racial agenda from an intersectional perspective.

 Panel 1: Violence and Access to Justice for the Afro-LGBTI Population

Recalling the importance of Black Awareness Month in Brazil, Carlos Quesada moderated the debate by highlighting the report’s role in making the Afro-LGBTI experience visible, which is often absent from the State’s political agenda. Opening the panel, the author Isaac Porto, shared how the report’s writing trajectory connected with his life story and, like his, many other stories that have also been marked by racism and LGBTIphobia, forms of oppression that simultaneously make these experiences invisible.

Porto indicated that the objective of the report is “to encourage the racialization of discussions about LGBTI lives in the country and, thus, to verify the specific impacts of racism on the lives of this group of people.”

“It should be mentioned that, as of now, the report is not a finalized document because there is no pretense to present arguments and conclusions that form some sort of verdict that declares what the human rights situation experienced by this population is and end any discussions that identify alternative paths to follow. On the contrary: we do not believe that, in the fight for human rights, it is possible to reach a final conclusion. To fight for rights is to always be at a starting point. It is to never to stop moving forward.”

Bruna Benevides, Secretary of Political Articulation of the National Association of Travestis and Transsexuals (ANTRA), emphasized that the merit of the document is that confronts the LGBTI movement and brings to it an intersectional discussion around race and LGBTI people. “That is why the dossier is symbolic and representative, because it demonstrates the importance and urgency of organizing ourselves collectively,” she said, highlighting the importance of building a collective political agenda.

Trans activist Gilmara Cunha denounced the invisibility of this population, especially when it comes to the Afro-LGBTI population living in Brazilian slums. “The report gives visibility to what is invisible in our country and to our leaders, in addition to denying our existence at the national level, it is also denied at a territorial level. We are pleading for existence that is denied to us all the time,” she explains. Washington Dias, Coordinator of the Afro-LGBT Network, states that the violence to which the Black Brazilian LGBTI population is subjected to is linked to historical characteristics of structural racism, and the absence of data is a result of this racism.

Livia Casseres, Coordinator of Racial Equity for Rio de Janeiro’s Public Defender’s Office, stressed the large gap in data production within the country and acknowledged the delay in the normative plan that accounts for the absence of rights that modulate racism. “The report shows how we are advancing in ways of producing citizenship in Brazil alongside LGBTI organizations, which is a form of confronting the coloniality of the legal system,” she claimed, celebrating the launch of the dossier.

Closing the first panel, artist and poet MC Carol Dall Farra presented an artistic intervention, bringing light and visibility to the multiple experiences of Blackness in Brazil.

Panel 2: Social Rights of the Black Population

Zuleika Rivera, the panel’s moderator, highlighted the importance of discussing the discrimination that Afro-LGBTI people face in access to health, education and work, specifically mentioning the difficulties of transgender people. As an example, she cited the Escola Sem Partido [1] project, which proposes to prevent discussions on racism, misogyny and LGBTIphobia in the field of education, advancing a conservative government agenda. Therefore, in her opinion, the report is an important milestone in the fight for LGBTI rights.

Presenting the second part of the document, Isaac Porto draws attention to the myth of racial democracy in Brazil, which has been denounced by the Afro-Brazilian movement for decades. The myth of racial democracy has marked the ideology of whitening, according to which white values ​​are unique and universal, forging the construction of society as a whole. With this, Porto reiterated the urgency to racialize reflections on the human rights of the LGBTI population, emphasizing that the differences between Black and white LGBTI experiences become more astonishing when comparing those of cis and trans people.

“It is clear that Black LGBTI people are the most affected in terms of murders in Brazil, and are the preferred targets of police violence, also facing more difficulties in access to justice, healthcare, education and work. Thus, it is essential to strengthen Brazilian organizations and activists work so that they have the necessary conditions to make the human rights situation of the LGBTI population in Brazil more visible, as well as the ways in which they have resisted the most diverse and perverse violations,” he commented.

Leonardo Peçanha, a Black trans man and activist at the Brazilian Institute of Transmasculinities (Ibrat) and the National Forum of Black Travestis and Transsexuals (FONATRANS), emphasized the issues in access to healthcare for Afro-LGBTI people. He stressed that there are many trans men who are getting pregnant and face gynecological treatments that are reinforced by misogynistic beliefs. Among these beliefs affecting Black trans men, is the myth that Black people have a higher pain tolerance, which is only one of the many consequences of racism.

Janaína Oliveira, Administrative Coordinator of the Afro-LGBT Network, believes that being Black in Brazil means that even the death of the Black population needs to be debated constantly because in Brazil Black people first have to fight for their lives, and then fight for their rights. “Launching this report is not only creating international visibility, but also making the Brazilian population aware of our invisibility. It is a document that brings our lack of access and treatment by the State to our bodies. The report allows us to think about public policies that generate equal conditions of access for the Black Brazilian LGBTI population” she commented.

Alessandra Ramos, President of Instituto Transformar Shelida Ayana, denounced that access to healthcare is not guaranteed on an equal basis to trans people, who are often received with laughter and presented with more barriers when searching for healthcare options. These situations prove that it is necessary to recognize the specific rights of the trans population. “It is important that to know that trans people are the most affected when we talk about the intersectionality of gender and race. These people do not have full enjoyment of their rights, and because of this, the report is a milestone,” she explained.

Concluding the discussion, the UN Independent Expert on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (IE SOGI), Victor Madrigal-Borloz, celebrated the completion of the report and its role in strengthening the construction of public policies on access to healthcare, work and justice. Madrigal-Borloz believes that “the report presents the different identities within the LGBTI movement and the need to recognize these agendas is through the racialization of discussion. The report connects social identities and the importance of occupying political spaces.” With this, the IE SOGI affirmed his mandate’s commitment to continuing its work from a racial perspective.

In light of the research and debate generated between several LGBTI civil society organizations that participated in the construction of the report, Race and Equality concludes the document presenting recommendations to the Brazilian State, international human rights organizations, civil society and other government agencies, of which we highlight:

1 – The ratification of the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance, as well as the Inter-American Convention Against All Forms of Discrimination and Intolerance.

2 – The establishment of a plan to combat LGBTIphobic violence in Brazil, through intersectoral action that establishes unified guidelines to combat LGBTIphobia and racism.

3 – That the Public Ministry of Labor carry out specific campaigns against discrimination against the Afro-LGBTI population in order to guarantee fair criteria for selection, promotion, wages and working conditions.

4 – That the necessary support be given to civil society organizations that are engaged in the production of data concerning the murder of LGBTI people, with the guarantee that they will not find unnecessary bureaucratic obstacles for their proper functioning, and that their work will be respected by government officials.

Download the report in English: https://bit.ly/3cil69J 

Download the report in Portuguese and Spanish: http://bit.ly/3evTMnm

Did you miss our launch? Watch: http://bit.ly/350lGF5

 

[1] The Movement Escola Sem Partido was created in 2004 by lawyer Miguel Nagib. Generally speaking, the movement demands a supposed “neutrality” for teachers, limiting them from giving their opinions in the classroom and restricting encouragement of political participation.  In May of 2014, Flávio Bolsonaro, the son of Jair Bolsonaro, then a state representative for Rio de Janeiro, asked Nagib to write a bill entitled Escola Sem Partido. Right after that, his brother Carlos Bolsonaro, a councilman for the city of Rio de Janeiro, presented a bill of the same type in the state capital. From there, these bills spread across the country. From 2014 to August of 2019, 121 bills of this type had already been presented in state and municipal legislative chambers in Brazil.  Source: O Globo. Anúncio de suspensão garantiu patrocinador secreto ao movimento Escola Sem Partido. November 8, 2019. Available at: https://oglobo.globo.com/sociedade/educacao/anuncio-de-suspensao-garantiu-patrocinador-secreto-ao-movimento-escola-sem-partido-24068869

Lesbian Rebellions: encounter of lesbian voices from Brazil and Colombia

“Lesbians against war! Lesbians against capitalism! Lesbians against racism! Lesbians against neoliberal terrorism!” It was with these words of liberation that on February 2007, during the 7th Forum of Feminist Lesbians from Latin America and the Caribbean, October 13 was anointed the day of Lesbian Rebellions (1).  During this meeting of anti-patriarchal struggle, with close to 200 feminist lesbian women from various countries, the General Assembly of the Forum decided to collectively honor the 1st Regional Forum of Feminist Lesbians which took place in Mexico, on October 13, 1987.

According to Angelina Marín, lesbian feminist activist of the collective Moiras, October 13 was consecrated as witch day and also represents the day of the arrival of the colonizers to indigenous lands. Marín pronounced this during her speech in Santiago, Chile’s city square, in a meeting with other lesbian feminists to celebrate this day (2). The day rallies feminist lesbian collectives and organizations around the region to celebrate lesbian existence through art and culture as an act of rebellion against the oppressions imposed by a patriarchal system that oppresses the existence of those that defy a cis-heteronormative society.

To honor these women’s bodies who persist and resist the erasure of their identities and their political expressions, the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) invited lesbian women from Brazil and Colombia to share their voices, views and experiences on the meaning of this day and the challenges they face in their countries. Know their rebellious stories.

Colombia

 For María Vélez, an activist from Caribe Afirmativo, “this 13th of October is a day to remember and thank our older lesbian sisters for the struggle they began years ago. From naming, to self- recognition, to cohabitation of same-sex couples—these were the first steps so that today we can enjoy the recognition of these rights.”

María draws attention to the fact that lesbian rebellions pose challenges, especially in a country marked by an armed conflict like Colombia. These are adversities that make lesbian women constantly experience situations of intimate private violence, forced displacement, gang rape and forced pregnancy. She emphasizes that because it is a multi-cultural and multi-ethnic country, in all these indigenous and Black identities, structural racism and machismo are embedded.

“Therefore, being indigenous and LGBTI or Afro-LGBTI, we face oppression inside our own communities and a particular type of violence in each territory. When you are a lesbian and Afrodescendant the violence takes a particular form related to the exotic nature of our identity and the sexualization of our bodies as Black women. Society considers that if you are a Black woman then you must be heterosexual, otherwise it does not suit us.”

Sami Arazabaleta, an activist from the NGO Somos Identidad, highlights the importance of lesbian women recognizing themselves as sexual beings that admire their own bodies outside of the heteronormative and machista norms. “Lesbian Rebellions are a necessary call to make lesbians visible, we refuse to continue being invisible from the “homosexual” global norm. We have learned that what is not named does not exist. A Lesbian Rebellion is to be and to love a woman face to face.”

Lesbian Rebellions are also an act of repudiation to the binary, feminist lesbians denounce that the binary way of seeing and being in the world confines lesbians to certain stereotypes. As an act of liberation, Lesbian Rebellions proclaim that their bodies exist for themselves, in a relationship of interdependence and (co)existence with nature. Sami translates her rebellion into poetry: “lesbian love is sublime, it allows women to be loved and recognized without male approval. I am a lesbian because I love myself and I love a woman!”

Brazil

The filmmaker, Naira Évine, activist from the Levante Negro collective, reflects that the affirmation of lesbian existence within the audiovisual industry is already an act of rebellion. “Because we are going against every heterosexual and cis-heteronormative system that makes a point of erasing our existence. It makes a point that our memory is not passed from generation to generation, that our stories are not told, that our perspectives are not commented or filmed. So, when a lesbian filmmaker, and in my case, a Black woman, makes sure that all these demarcations are placed on the agenda and are also spoken about and respected, I think that is being a rebellious woman,” she says.

In 2019, Naira launched the short film “O dia em que resolvi voar” (3) (The day I decided to fly, in English) which portrays lesbian stories. She re-enforces that films made by lesbian women, that talk about lesbian experiences and that have a racialized perspective, or not, of a lesbian woman, and are Latin American, is already a great act of rebellion. The filmmaker recalls that lesbians are diverse and deserve respect, a dignified life, a healthy and well-lived life, within the scope of basic human rights. Therefore, they resist when they insist that their existences be understood and respected.

“I don’t think there is a single way to be a lesbian, a way to demonstrate your sexual orientation. Oftentimes the closet is a place of protection, it is a place of self-defense and being inside the closet does not always mean cowardice. Sometimes it is also very courageous not to talk about it; there are many cases. There is no one way to dream of a more egalitarian society. This society would be conglomeration of the existence of several lesbians, bisexuals, homosexuals and the diverse experiences of different social groups. We are surrounded by lesbian rebels! Glad this day exists! Let us celebrate more and talk more about these brave women!” she says.

Camila Carmo, professor, investigator, writer and activist of the LesbiBahia collective, stresses that when thinking about what lesbian rebellions would look like in a country like Brazil, the construction of a political project that is emancipatory for all women and that defies the heterosexual system is key. As a Black, lesbian woman, she understands that “being a lesbian woman in Brazil is dealing everyday with racism, machismo, sexism and also putting myself in those movements of re(existence) for the construction of other modes of existence.” (4)

Camila also points to the structural issues of racism, poverty and femicide that are present within the cis-heteronormative system and how that is aggravated in territories marked by dictatorships and colonial invasions. “I think that the challenge has to do with removing attacks against indigenous people and the exploitation of people, animals and nature. This reflection goes through us and defines us all, even though I say ‘I’. Because when I say ‘I’, I am also talking about us. I do not believe alliances are possible outside a collective, so our big challenge is to think about how to act collectively, respecting differences and individualities,” she analyses.

Based on the stories of these inspiring rebellious lesbians, Race and Equality supports the defiance that comes from the strengthening of affective bonds between women and nature, between human rights and disobedience as a rupture with colonialism. We re-enforce our commitment to make visible the agenda and voices that represent Latin America, in alliance with activists and civil society organizations, and will denounce violations that affect the peaceful construction of a democratic society.

Race and Equality recommends that States in the region:

  1. Make all the necessary efforts to combat lesbofobia within their society, foster actions that promote and respect sexual diversity, and combat prejudice and discrimination;
  2. Create public policies to combat lesbofobia in the educational sphere and inhibit any initiatives that seek to prohibit debates around race, gender, and sexuality in schools and universities;
  3. Sign and ratify the Interamerican Convention against Racism, Racial Discriminations and other Related Forms of Intolerance and the Interamerican Convention against all forms of Discrimination and Intolerance.

[1]  http://feministautonoma.blogspot.com/2007/10/13-de-octubre-da-de-rebeldas-lesbianas.html

[2]  http://feministautonoma.blogspot.com/2007/10/13-de-octubre-da-de-rebeldas-lesbianas.html

[3] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FYjs54EfwxY&t=26s&ab_channel=Naira%C3%89vine

[4] On the concept of (re) existences, Camila makes reference to Professor Ana Lúcia da Silva Souza.

Black Lives Matter: The Call for Racial Democracy Resounds in Brazil

After the brutal murder of George Floyd by U.S. police, a wave of protests has called for all of society to descend into the streets in order to fight for the eradication of systemic racism. In a world affected by the fragmentation of political and institutional powers and in the midst of disorder worsened by the COVID-19 pandemic, which launched a global healthcare crisis, the veil of racism that sustains privilege and forms of neocolonial capitalist exploitation has been pulled back. In the face of such a scene, antiracist reactions have flared up in various countries. In Brazil, a country that daily relives the trauma of colonial racism, the call for racial democracy resounds throughout the Black population.

It is important for us to emphasize that, due to different contexts of colonialization and to the racial policies adopted in their respective histories, any analysis seeking to compare the reactions of the Brazilian and U.S. populations to the George Floyd case confirms once more strategies of oppression within politics of domination. In this hierarchical global system, the United States functions as a reference point for comparisons between the two countries and depicts yet another expression of symbolic violence.

Yet racism is the common denominator in this structure of oppression. It is the connection which summons the descendants of the Black Diaspora in every corner of the world through the motto “Black Lives Matter.” Capitalism’s failure has put so-called democratic regimes in check since a democracy which maintains itself through a necropolitical system that eliminates Black, indigenous, and other non-white bodies cannot be considered as the power of the people per its etymological meaning. Upon being normalized as a form of social organization in Brazil, racism has a great effect daily in the death and the exclusion of Black people and in their access to human rights.

Consequently, any supposition that the fight to end racism in Brazil gained momentum with the current North American demonstrations is to be ignorant of its history. In the 1930’s, the Frente Negra Brasileira (FNB, Black Brazilian Front) [1] strove for equality throughout society but was eradicated during the Vargas dictatorship. Since the 70’s, the Movimento Negro Unificado (MNU, Unified Black Movement) [2] has been combatting all forms of racial discrimination. These movements do not include the armed revolts and creation of quilombos since the days of slavery. During abolition, partnerships between Black communities confirmed their agency and anti-racist political organization.

With the assassination of City Councilwoman Marielle Franco [3], protests against racism erupted in Brazil. Thousands took to the streets to seek justice for Marielle and for all she represented: Black Brazil’s resistance struggle. Her cowardly assassination unveiled the structural and institutional racism enrooted in Brazilian society, as a political strategy of domination that sheds the blood of thousands of Black families. And yet, in Brazil, it is still necessary to prove that racism exists, murders, and incarcerates the black population on a systemic level.

This year the COVID-19 pandemic ignited the social inequalities which manifest in racist ways. At a time when the global population is called to practice social distancing, in Brazil, staying home to protect oneself from coronavirus is a privilege reserved for a small sector of society that is obviously white. Ironically, the choking of George Floyd acts as a metaphor in times of COVID-19 in which the poor and Black population dies the most because of the virus’ fatal respiratory consequences. In that sense, the memory of captivity is made present once more in Black bodies that, upon stepping into the streets every day to go to work, are turned over to the invisible hands of the disease which hangs in the air.

Seeing as how the country will not shutdown, the racist government policy has intensified in face of the virus through the arbitrary use of police violence. Military police operations, with the authorization of the Rio de Janeiro state government, have continued to take place including the killing of 14-year-old João Pedro in the city of São Gonçalo [4]. Due to the publicity the case has gained in society, the Federal Supreme Court had to ban the continuation of police operations in communities during the social distancing period [5]. Taking into consideration from a racial perspective that the police who engage in favela confrontations are mostly Black and are residents of the community, the weight of racist violence reveals that the Brazilian police kill the most but also die the most [6].

In the midst of all this, the significance of George Floyd’s and João Pedro’s deaths resulted in a wave of solidarity and anti-racist struggle that called on white supremacy to take an anti-racist stance. Thus, antifascist movements have joined the anti-racist struggle through the call of Antifa sports organizations. Protesters took to the streets to condemn the genocide of Black people and to demand full democracy [7]. With acts under the banner of Black Lives Matter occurring throughout the country, the hegemonic media, dominated by the Brazilian elite, has not been able to avoid the topic of racism because protests are happening on a global scale and not just in Brazil [8]. Large television networks invited Black journalists and researchers on for the first time to discuss the magnitude and consequences of racism in the world and in Brazil.

Therefore, the anti-racist movement is strategically intensifying and with the help of a manifesto, published in print newspapers with a large readership as well as electronically, that calls on all of the Brazilian population and its institutions to sign and commit to a democratic program that aims to eradicate current racist practices in Brazilian society [9]. “With Racism There Is No Democracy”, the manifesto released by the Coalizão Negra (Black Coalition), which brings together members of the Black movement from around the country among other civil society organizations.

If the suffocating effects of the pandemic outbreak are able to snuff out violence opening the way for a possible racial revolution, then taking to the streets will not have been in vain. The lives of João Pedro, George Floyd, along with the more than 450,000 Coronavirus deaths globally, should be honored through struggle and resistance so that in the future we can rewrite history exalting Blackness through its powerful figures.

In this vein, Race and Equality supports the antiracist and antifascist demonstrations occurring in Brazil and throughout the world and recommends that the Brazilian state support the Black population in the following ways:

  • Implement a democratic governing proposal that guarantees the eradication of structural and institutional racist practices;
  • Ensure full access to the public health system;
  • Ratify the Inter-American Convention Against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance [10];
  • Ratify the Inter-American Convention Against All Forms of Discrimination and Intolerance [11];
  • Create antimilitarist strategies in the fight against crime within communities;
  • Adopt public policies with an intersectional perspective that takes into consideration the special characteristics of the oppression that Black people face.

[1] https://www.geledes.org.br/frente-negra-brasileira-2/

[2] https://www.geledes.org.br/movimento-negro-unificado-miltao/

[3] https://theintercept.com/series/caso-marielle-franco/

[4] https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/geral-52731882

[5]https://radioagencianacional.ebc.com.br/justica/audio/2020-06/stf-proibe-operacoes-policiais-em-favelas-do-rio-durante-pandemia

[6] https://jus.com.br/artigos/74146/policia-brasileira-a-que-mais-mata-e-a-que-mais-morre

[7] e [8] https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2020-06-06/vidas-negras-importam-chacoalha-parcela-de-brasileiros-entorpecida-pela-rotina-de-violencia-racista.html

[9] https://comracismonaohademocracia.org.br/

[10] http://www.oas.org/es/sla/ddi/tratados_multilaterales_interamericanos_A-68_racismo.asp

[11] http://www.oas.org/es/sla/ddi/tratados_multilaterales_interamericanos_A-69_discriminacion_intolerancia.asp

The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights expresses concern over the Brazilian State’s response to the progression of the Coronavirus in the country

Brazil, May 21, 2020 – The Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) is deeply concerned about the situation faced by the most vulnerable populations in Brazil amidst the current COVID-19 pandemic, which has killed 18.894 people in Brazil to date,[1] and takes place during a political crisis that reflects the structural inequalities marginalized communities face. On May 19, the country hit the mark of 1000 deaths in a single day.[2]

Since the outbreak of the virus, President Jair Bolsonaro has constantly made threats to Brazilian democracy. Recently, he participated in demonstrations that called for the closure of the National Congress and the Supreme Federal Court (STF),[3] as well as the reinstatement of Institutional Act No. 5 (A I-5),[4] a decree that increased the power of the Brazilian military dictatorship in 1968 and authorized several exceptional measures to be taken.

The pandemic arrives in the country in the face of an intense political crisis, aggravated by a president who has shied away from his responsibility as head of the Executive Branch. He has encouraged disrespect for social distancing, going against the recommendations of the World Health Organization (WHO).[5] Bolsonaro has “accused” the WHO of encouraging masturbation and homosexuality in children from ages zero to four,[6] in what is seen as an LGBTIphobic attempt to demoralize the organization.

To make matters worse, while the country became the epicenter of the pandemic in Latin America[7], when asked about the death toll of COVID-19 in the country, the president responded “So what? I am sorry. What do you want me to do?”, claiming that he does not work miracles.[8]

Additionally, the President insists on using the unproven treatment of chloroquine to assure the population that they can return to work because there is an easy treatment for COVID-19. This attitude made Nelson Teich, the Minister of Health to follow Mandetta, resign without even completing one month in office. To date, it has not yet been defined who will be the next to occupy the position.[13]

In defending the vertical isolation of the population, Bolsonaro seems to disregard the living conditions of a large portion of the population. Many people live in slums, oftentimes in extremely small houses or shacks shared by several members of the same family. Considering the ease with which the virus multiplies in these environments, Bolsonaro’s incentives to ignore isolation have caused the numbers of deaths to skyrocket in Brazil with a higher proportion of death in the Afro-Brazilian population.

Between April 11 and 26, deaths caused by COVID-19 amongst the white population decreased from 62.9% to 52.3%, while deaths amongst the Afro-Brazilian population increased from 33.5% to 45.2%[14]. During this period, the number of Afro-Brazilian who died from COVID-19 increased from 180 to 933, showing the present racial inequalities. In the state of Amazonas, where the health system is already collapsing, data from April 29th shows 850 of those that were seriously all were Afro-Brazilians while 81 were white. Of the people who have died,  343 are Afro-Brazilians and 25 are white.

67% of Brazilians who depend exclusively on the public health system, SUS (Unified Health System), are Afro descendants. They are also the majority of patients with diabetes, tuberculosis, hypertension and chronic kidney diseases, all conditions that aggravate COVID-19. Additionally, the SUS is in the first phase of collapsing. In Rio de Janeiro, for example, populous slums have the highest rates of tuberculosis.[15] Concerningly, the SUS is in the first phase of collapsing putting this people at risk of having no access to health care.

Lúcia Xavier, from the Afro-women’s organization Criola, recalls that a large part of these comorbidities are linked to socio-racial issues, such as lack of basic sanitation, housing conditions, or inadequate food supplies.[16] In other words, structural racism imposes negative consequences on the health of the Afro-descendant population, which worsen and become clearer in the midst of the pandemic.

Despite these realities, when questioned on the subject, the Ministry of Health stated that there are no “technical or scientific studies that point to color or race as a risk factor for the illness,” ignoring how racial inequalities modulate access to health in Brazil.[17]

Women also experience specific consequences of the coronavirus. A study undertaken by the Brazilian Forum on Public Security (FBSP)[18] that monitored social networks recorded an increase in the rate of domestic violence in six Brazilian states (Acre, Mato Grosso, Pará, Rio Grande do Norte, Rio Grande do Sul and São Paulo). The study also noted that  women in situations of violence have difficulties accessing to public facilities to register complaints.

The numbers of femicides and female homicides grew, indicating an increase in domestic violence. In São Paulo, for example, comparing the months of March 2019 and March 2020, the number of these deaths increased by 46%. In the first half of April, cases doubled compared to the year before. In Acre, during the same period, cases grew by 67%.[19]

The trasvesti and transgender population are also experiencing disproportionate impacts from COVID-19. Around 90% of transvestis and transsexual women in Brazil use sex work as their primary source of income,[20] and therefore cannot  follow social isolation guidelines without giving up their livelihood for survival. There have been several reports of groups that exploit them and force travesty prostitutes and transsexuals to continue working.[21]

The serious situation in which travesti and transsexual women in Brazil are in is reflected in data published in a recent bulletin by ANTRA, the National Association of Travestis and Transsexuals of Brazil. In the first four months of 2020, there was an increase of about 48% in murders of trans people in Brazil compared to the same period in 2019.[22] From January to April 2019, 43 transgender persons were murdered in Brazil; while during the same period in 2020, there have been 64. Isolating the months of March and April, to specifically compare the initial period of the pandemic, there was an increase of 13%. This scenario demonstrates how violent society and the Brazilian State are towards trans people, who are left even more unprotected during the pandemic.

Finally, it is extremely shocking that even during the pandemic, the police in Brazil continue to commit intense acts of violence. On May 19, the murder of 14-year-old Afro-Brazilian boy João Pedro shocked the country. He was killed while playing inside his house during a police operation in Morro do Salgueiro, located in the community of São Gonçalo in the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro.[23] The Brazilian police continue to act in a racist manner. People who live in favelas are mostly Afro-descendant and are treated as potential criminals as if their lives have lesser value. Police do not act this way towards the white population who live in affluent areas and have to barriers to practice social isolation.

In a country like Brazil, where racism and structural LGBTIphobia create profound hierarchies and disadvantages for the Afro-LGBTI population in regard to the right to life, dignity and integrity, the neglect and lack of commitment by part of President Jair Bolsonaro in tackling the pandemic could generate extremely serious and irreversible consequences for these vulnerable populations.

In light of this situation, Race and Equality recommends the Brazilian State to take measures to protect these populations, such as:

  1. a) Immediate reinforcement of social isolation measures;
  2. b) Guarantee basic hygiene products to those who live in regions without access to sanitation;
  3. c) Promote awareness campaigns about the risks of coronavirus, specific to groups in situations of greater vulnerability;
  4. d) Adopt and disseminate online reporting mechanisms for domestic violence, including encouraging friends and neighbors to use these resources if they notice signs of aggression. These campaigns should cover both cis and trans women;
  5. e) Provide spaces where victims of domestic violence can fulfill social isolation away from their aggressors;
  6. f) Dismantle sexual exploitation networks, with the support of LGBTI organizations and sex workers, to guarantee the possibility of fulfilling social isolation;
  7. g) Immediately identify perpetrators of femicides and murders of trasvesti and transsexual women, clarifying the facts in a court of law.
  8. h) Reassess the need for police operations in slum regions, especially during this period of the worsening pandemic.

Race and Equality urges the Brazilian State to guarantee the dignity of its population, strengthen the health system and disseminate information for the prevention of the pandemic, with special attention to vulnerable people such as Afro-descendant women and LGBTI people, so that their rights are not left unprotected during this crisis.

[1] News Google. Available at: https://news.google.com/covid19/map?hl=pt-BR&mid=%2Fm%2F015fr&gl=BR&ceid=BR%3Apt-419

[2] G1. Cases of Coronavirus and number of deaths in Brasil 19 of May. May 19 2020. Available at: https://g1.globo.com/bemestar/coronavirus/noticia/2020/05/19/casos-de-coronavirus-e-numero-de-mortes-no-brasil-em-19-de-maio.ghtml

[3] BBC. Bolsonaro participates once again in an act criticizing the Supreme Court and Congress.

May 3, 2020. Available at: https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/brasil-52518123

[4] Ato Institutional nº 5, de 13 de dezembro de 1968. Available at: www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/ait/ait-05-68.htm

[5] World Health Organization. Coronavirus disease (COVID-19) advice for the public. Disponível em: https://www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirus-2019/advice-for-public

[6] Época. Bolsonaro distorts publication and accuses WHO of encouraging masturbation and homosexuality in children. April 30, 2020. Available at: https://epoca.globo.com/brasil/bolsonaro-distorce-publicacao-acusa-oms-de-incentivar-masturbacao-homossexualidade-em-criancas-1-24403161

[7] Uol. Epicenter of pandemic in Latin America, Brasil worries neighbors. May 6, 2020. Available: https://noticias.uol.com.br/ultimas-noticias/afp/2020/05/06/epicentro-da-pandemia-na-america-latina-brasil-preocupa-vizinhos.htm

[8] G1. ‘And? I am sorry. What do you want me to do?’, Says Bolsonaro about coronavirus deaths; ‘I am Messiah, but I do not do miracles’. April 28, 2020. https://g1.globo.com/politica/noticia/2020/04/28/e-dai-lamento-quer-que-eu-faca-o-que-diz-bolsonaro-sobre-mortes-por-coronavirus-no-brasil.ghtml

[9] Uol. Mandetta is dismissed from the Ministry of Health by President Bolsonaro. April 16, 2020: https://noticias.uol.com.br/saude/ultimas-noticias/redacao/2020/04/16/mandetta-demissao-ministerio-da-saude-bolsonaro.htm

[10] Rede Brasil Atual. Bolsonaro indicates minister financed by health plans and investigated for fraud. Nov. 21, 2018: https://www.redebrasilatual.com.br/politica/2018/11/bolsonaro-indica-ministro-financiado-por-planos-de-saude-e-investigado-por-fraude/

[11] Mandetta previously declared that HIV/AIDS campaigns should not include anything that offends families such as pictures of LGBTI people.

[12] O Estado de São Paulo. State and Municipal Representatives Reject Ministry of Health ‘Guidelines’ on Quarantine. May 11, 2020. https://saude.estadao.com.br/noticias/geral,representantes-de-estados-e-municipios-rejeitam-diretrizes-do-ministerio-da-saude-sobre-quarentena,70003299073

[13] Folha de São Paulo. After chloroquine ultimatum, Teich resigns from the Ministry of Health. May 15, 2020. https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/equilibrioesaude/2020/05/apos-ultimato-sobre-cloroquina-teich-pede-demissao-do-ministerio-da-saude.shtml

[14] Pública. In two weeks, the number of blacks killed by coronavirus is five times higher in Brazil. May 6, 2020. https://apublica.org/2020/05/em-duas-semanas-numero-de-negros-mortos-por-coronavirus-e-cinco-vezes-maior-no-brasil/#Link3

[15] https://www.abrasco.org.br/site/outras-noticias/sistemas-de-saude/populacao-negra-e-covid-19-desigualdades-sociais-e-raciais-ainda-mais-expostas/46338/

[16] Folha de São Paulo. Among identified cases, covid-19 is more deadly among blacks in Brazil, data shows. https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/cotidiano/2020/04/coronavirus-e-mais-letal-entre-negros-no-brasil-apontam-dados-da-saude.shtml

[17] Pública. In two weeks, the number of blacks killed by coronavirus is five times higher in Brazil. May 6, 2020. https://apublica.org/2020/05/em-duas-semanas-numero-de-negros-mortos-por-coronavirus-e-cinco-vezes-maior-no-brasil/#Link3

[18] Fórum Brasileiro de Segurança Pública. Technical note: domestic violence during the COVID-19 pandemic.

April 16, 2020. forumseguranca.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/violencia-domestica-covid-19-v3.pdf

[19] Idem, p. 11.

[20] https://antrabrasil.files.wordpress.com/2020/01/dossic3aa-dos-assassinatos-e-da-violc3aancia-contra-pessoas-trans-em-2019.pdf

[21] RD News. Exploration of cafetinas forces trans to break quarantine and continue on the street. March 22, 2020. https://www.rdnews.com.br/cidades/exploracao-das-cafetinas-obriga-trans-a-descumprir-quarentena-e-continuar-na-rua/125737

[22] Associação Nacional de Travestis e Transexuais. Boletim nº 02/2020. Assassinatos contra travestis e transexuais em 2020. https://antrabrasil.files.wordpress.com/2020/05/boletim-2-2020-assassinatos-antra.pdf 

[23] G1. Death of teenager João Pedro during police action causes commotion on the web. May 19, 2020. https://g1.globo.com/rj/rio-de-janeiro/noticia/2020/05/19/morte-do-menino-joao-pedro-durante-acao-policial-causa-comocao-na-web.ghtml

No more silence: Reclaiming our voice on the International Day against Homophobia, Transphobia and Biphobia

Washington D.C., May 17. This May 17 marks 30 years since the World Health Organization (WHO) declassified homosexuality as a mental disorder, a global milestone that accelerated progress in the recognition of the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex people (LGBTI). On this date, we commemorate the International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia and Biphobia, a day to draw attention to the violence and discrimination that LGBTI people still suffer in our societies.

This year the promoted theme is “breaking the silence,” inviting people from the LGBTI community to no longer be afraid to express their sexual orientation or gender identity to their family or to others in their social circles. The commemoration this year is also framed within a global health crisis generated by COVID-19, which has intensified structural discrimination and evidenced the prejudices that persist in our society.

Historically, the LGBTI population has been stigmatized by a heteronormative society that has not allowed their participation in public spaces. The commemoration of this day is vital to bring to light all the acts of discrimination that endure in our societies and to denounce violence against people with diverse sexual orientations and gender identities.

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“To break the silence is to give a voice to those who have had theirs silenced by stigma, discrimination, social exclusion, and the constant violations of rights that remain in impunity because of States’ lack of political will. To break the silence is to shout with evidence a truth that our States, in most cases, do not want to show or do not take into account. Breaking the silence is saying we are, we exist, and we have rights.”

The fight for equality and justice is a daily job for many people.  It is not just about commemorating this day, but rather it is a fight that persists throughout every day of the year.

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Santiago Balvín Gutiérrez, explains to us the importance of being able to raise his voice as a trans person: “Breaking the silence has enabled my body to speak, my insides to speak, and my experiences speak. They do not remain silent because my life, and the lives of my trans sisters and brothers, do not deserve to be silence because they are different. Breaking the silence means to me that every feeling of oppression is also broken and seeks freedom for everyone, the same freedom that I began to feel when I chose to be myself.”

In recent weeks, we have witnessed latent and structural discrimination in the implementation of public policies by States and their institutions in response to COVID-19 that have exacerbated inequalities. The absence of public policies with a gender focus and the lack of training and awareness of public authorities has reproduced patterns of violence and acts of discrimination against LGBTI people. In many cases, the social distancing policies adopted by States did not consider the poverty, marginalization, and violence that people with diverse sexual orientations and gender identity face on a daily basis. By failing to do so, they exposed this group to harm.

The enactment of “pico y género” in different countries caused serious human rights violations, especially for the trans population. Their vulnerability is on the rise, as they face not only abuse of power by law enforcement, but also unemployment and domestic violence. Many have had to post pone name change trials, postponing a necessary step to protecting their gender identity, and others lack access to medical centers to receive hormone treatment or other medical necessities due to the pandemic.

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Today more than ever, it is necessary to take differentiated and specific actions for the LGBTI population, with forceful strategies to stop cases of abuse and systematic human rights violations of all diverse people. Franklin Quiñones, from the Fundación Arcoíris de Tumaco, believes that breaking the silence implies “making visible and / or denouncing any act of discrimination and / or violence against people with diverse sexual orientations such as the LGBTI population,” which can be achieved “by supporting us in the use of all existing legal human rights protection and communication tools.”

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Likewise, Sandra Arizabaleta, from the organization Somos Identidad in Cali in Colombia, explains that: “it is urgent to break the silence so that we use all community and legal mechanisms in order to enable the free development of the lives of LGBTI people. You can (and should) love beyond a role assignment and genitality.”

The violation of the fundamental rights of LGBTI people is heightened when the effects are combined with other scenarios and realities of the same or worse condition.

The violation of the fundamental rights of LGBTI people is heightened when the effects are combined with other scenarios and realities of the same or worse condition.

LGBTI people who are also members of other marginalized populations experience a different form of discrimination and rights violations. Examples of this are people of African descent with diverse gender identities and expressions who live with extreme violence, without support from the State, in poverty, and without access to basic health services, education, and employment. “Regions such as the Colombian Pacific, where a greater number of Afro-descendants live, are far from being protected with measures that use an intersectional approach,” adds Sandra of Somos Identidad.

The health crisis caused by COVID-19 has shown that despite advances in human rights for the LGBTI population, there are still great gaps and challenges that can only be overcome with the political action of States to guarantee human rights with a differential focus. “In times of crisis, it becomes clear who are leaders and who are not, and bad leadership will tend to exacerbate difficulties for the most vulnerable populations,” says Carlos Quesada, Executive Director of Race and Equality.

“For thousands of people around the world, breaking the silence often means remaining silent. Shouts occur when small gestures can go unnoticed, simple looks demand light or even a weak voice hesitates to echo in certain spaces. To be heard, sometimes we need to be vigilant because there is no point in breaking the silence if there is no one to listen to us, if there are no spaces with sharp ears to capture sounds, but rather gestures, looks. The power to break the silence is only effective when there is the power to listen. Otherwise, we will spend a lifetime wanting to have ‘meaning’,” explains Mariah Rafaela, Research Coordinator at the Conexão G Group of LGBT Citizenship in Favelas in Brazil.

Race and Equality, along with the LGBTI civil society organizations with which we work, urges Latin American States to:

– Take measures to prevent violence, with a differentiated perspective that considers the historical discrimination suffered by Afro-LGBI and trans people.

– Open a dialogue for monitoring the context of violence based on sexual orientation and gender identity together with civil society.

– Provide trainings to State officials on these issues.

– Include LGBTI people in emergency health planning. LGBTI representatives and voices need to be included, as well as sex workers, in all social protection plans, especially in access to emergency income.

Finally, it is an obligation of States to join us in breaking the silence against discrimination, violence, and indifference through affirmative actions that guarantee the recognition of the rights of LGBTI people.

Race and Equality and the National Association of Travestis and Transexuals of Brazil (ANTRA) ask the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) to publicly denounce the increase in murders of transgender people in Brazil in 2020

Washington, D.C. and Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. May 13, 2020. The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) and the National Association of Travestis[1] and Transsexuals of Brazil (ANTRA) sent a letter to the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (IACHR) expressing their deep concern over the increase in murders of transgender people in Brazil. According to a bulletin recently published by ANTRA, there were 48% more murders of transgender people in Brazil during the first four months of the year than during the same period in 2019. Many of these murders have occurred during the COVID-19 pandemic.

From January to April 2019, 43 transgender persons were murdered in Brazil; while during the same period in 2020, there have been 64. When isolating the months of March and April, to compare specifically with the beginning of the pandemic, there was an increase of 13% in these murders. This demonstrates the extreme violence the Brazilian State and the Brazilian public commits against trans persons, who are even more unprotected in the current context. The Brazilian State has taken no action to address the needs of this population during the health crisis and its resulting socioeconomic impacts.

The situation is intensified by the serious political crisis that the country is also facing at the moment, aggravated by a president who has constantly made threats against Brazilian democracy, even recently participating in demonstrations[2] that called for the closure of the National Congress and the Federal Supreme Court (STF). One of the groups responsible for organizing these demonstrations has publicly proclaimed itself a paramilitary group. According to the group’s leader, the group’s purpose is to “make the STF ministers understand, if necessary, coercively, that there are 11 demigods.”[3]The participation of the president in the demonstration alongside this extreme group is very worrisome.

The coronavirus has aggravated the political crisis in Brazil. President Jair Bolsonaro has shied away from his responsibility as the head of the executive branch and has encouraged noncompliance with the recommendations for social isolations given by the World Health Organization (WHO), UNAIDS, and the IACHR itself. Meanwhile, the death toll continues to rise, reaching 12,484 deaths in the most recent count at the time of this statement.[4] At the same time, consistent with Brazil’s extreme inequality, data confirms that the most vulnerable populations, Afro-descendants and the impoverished, are being killed at higher rates by the virus.[5]

Race and Equality and ANTRA are greatly concerned about the social disparaties that have been exacerbated during the coronavirus pandemic, which becomes clear when we look at the travesti and transsexual population. Given that about 90% of travestis and transsexual women in Brazil use sex work as a primary source of income[6], these women are not able to comply with social isolation guidelines without giving up their livelihood. There have been several reports of groups that exploit them and force travesti prostitutes and transsexual to continue working.[7]

With this in mind, we request that the Honorable Commission make a public statement regarding the situation of transgender people in Brazil. We also call upon the Brazilian State to take the steps necessary to guarantee the right to life, integrity, and dignity of travesti and transsexual persons in Brazil. Most of these people are Black and continue to be the most vulnerable group, subject to the most cases of physical and lethal violence during the pandemic.

[1] Far from being a pejorative term, according to ANTRA (National Association of Travestis and Transsexuals of Brazil), “travesti” is an identity in Brazil, claimed by those who, despite having been identified as belonging to the male gender at birth, recognize themselves as belonging to the female gender and have a female gender expression, but do not claim themselves as women. https://antrabrasil.files.wordpress.com/2020/01/dossic3aa-dos-assassinatos-e-da-violc3aancia-contra-pessoas-trans-em-2019.pdf

[2] BBC. Bolsonaro participates once again in an act criticizing the Supreme Court and Congress. May 3, 2020. Available at: https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/brasil-52518123

[3] Diário do Centro Mundo.

Paramilitary group created by Sara Winter is in the sights of the PGR. May 8, 2020. Available at: https://www.diariodocentrodomundo.com.br/essencial/grupo-paramilitar-criado-por-sara-winter-esta-na-mira-da-pgr/

[4] News Google. Coronavirus cases and number of deaths in Brazil on May 13. May 13, 2020. Available at: https://news.google.com/covid19/map?hl=pt-BR&mid=%2Fm%2F015fr&gl=BR&ceid=BR%3Apt-419

[5] O Estado de São Paulo.

In SP, risk of death of blacks by covid-19 is 62% higher compared to whites. May 4, 2020. Avaialble at: https://saude.estadao.com.br/noticias/geral,em-sp-risco-de-morte-de-negros-por-covid-19-e-62-maior-em-relacao-aos-brancos,70003291431

[6] Associação Nacional de Travestis e Transexuais (ANTRA). Dossier of murders against Brazilian transvestites and violence and transsexuals in 2019. 2020, p. 69. Available at: https://antrabrasil.files.wordpress.com/2020/01/dossic3aa-dos-assassinatos-e-da-violc3aancia-contra-pessoas-trans-em-2019.pdf

[7] RD News. Exploration of cafetinas forces trans to break quarantine and continue on the street. March 22, 2020. https://www.rdnews.com.br/cidades/exploracao-das-cafetinas-obriga-trans-a-descumprir-quarentena-e-continuar-na-rua/125737

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