The Human Rights Situation of Afro-descendants in Latin America Presents a Scenario Full of Discrimination and Collective Violence

The Human Rights Situation of Afro-descendants in Latin America Presents a Scenario Full of Discrimination and Collective Violence

On June 4, The Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) and the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) held a panel conversation on the “Human Rights Situation of Afro-descendants in Latin America” as a side event to the 48th General Assembly of the Organization of American States. The dialogue featured Afro-descendant leaders and experts from Brazil, Cuba, Colombia, Guatemala and Peru, and sought to present the circumstances of Afro-descendant populations’ rights in the region, and the collaborative work that each country has been doing on these situations.

Washington Office on Latin America President Matthew Clausen opened the dialogue with some introductory remarks. WOLA has been carrying out international efforts with other Afro-descendant organizations seeking to protect Afro-descendant rights in the Americas and has also recently been lobbying the US Congress for the adoption of Resolution 713, which urges the United States Government to support the goals and objectives of the International Decade for People of African Descent by way of establishing global strategies that promote these goals. WOLA’s President took the opportunity to condemn all the recent attacks, killings and acts of intimidation against social leaders in the region and expressed his and WOLA’s support to do all that they can to remedy the situation.

The dialogue also featured the distinguished presence and participation of Epsy Campbell Barr, Vice-President of Costa Rica, and the first Afro-descendant woman in the region to be elected to a high political position – a major political achievement for all Afro-descendant populations in the region. In her speech, Vice-President Campbell reflected that the Afro-descendant movement in the region is not experiencing its greatest moment of progress, due to regressions in the political agendas of countries which have historically achieved spaces for advocacy. Likewise, she stressed that the movement’s advocacy actions have received little political backing in recent years. These conditions are contrary to the necessary conditions and agreements needed to achieve the goals of the International Decade, particularly of encouraging the connection between the goals of the Decade and those of sustainable development. Facing this, Vice-President Campbell stated that “a 2030 (Afro-descendant) agenda should be our aim for the next ten to twelve years. Therefore, it’s of vital importance to use the next five or so years left in the International Decade to achieve more commitments from States.”

Likewise, Epsy Campbell urged better working strategies to tackle poverty, discrimination and criminalization of Afro-descendants, and also the exclusion of Afro-descendants from political participation, as these continue to be realities in our countries, she declared. In conclusion, she stated that the greatest challenge for Afro-descendants in the region lies in aligning national agendas of each State in the region with a commitment towards inclusion of Afro-descendant communities and people.

In relation to the above, Carlos Quesada, Executive Director of the Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights, pointed out that the situation of the rights of people of African descent in the region has many parallels to police violence, poverty, inequality, unemployment and limited access to health and education. However, he stressed that the work carried out by various organizations in each of the countries shows signs of fight and hope for all of Latin America.

Cecilia Ramírez, Executive Director of the Center for the Development of Black Peruvian Women (CEDEMUNEP), shared with the audience the work that the Afro-Peruvian movement has developed in order to participate in the recent national census, and be properly counted for the first time since 1940. The work was a success for the recognition of the Afro-Peruvian people, as it promotes greater advocacy opportunities, participation and expression. This was achieved by working with various social sectors in order to develop the ethnic self-identification question, as well as allowing organizations to report and visualize the accurate living conditions of the Afro-descendant community in Peru. Ms. Ramírez also made mention of the challenges of carrying out a media campaign in favor of the ethnic self-identification question, in a country riddled with discrimination and racism. However, she stressed that such advocacy campaigns are crucial to bring awareness about what it means to identify as Afro-Peruvian. For 2017, the number of Peruvians who identify themselves as Afro-Peruvians totaled 4% of the population.

Norberto Mesa Carbonell, Director of the Cuban organization Cofradía de la Negritud, presented to the audience the human rights situation of exclusion facing Afro-Cubans. “The reality of the situation of Afro-Cubans has been a taboo subject since the Revolution. Although the issue of discrimination was an important topic to work on—of vital importance—it was enough for just a few years to go by until the Cuban State “automatically” closed the issue. As a result, everything related to access and participation of the Afro-Cuban movement, as well as the formation of public policies that benefit and recognize the Afro-descendant movement, were put on hold and were completely delayed. For this reason, and since the decision by the government, any advocacy work and presentation of human rights violations towards Afro-descendants in Cuba has been criminalized. We currently don’t have freedom of association; thus, it becomes a great challenge to work for the inclusion of this population sector in public policies regarding economic and social growth,” explained Norberto.

Cesar Gomes, a Brazilian social leader, presented another element of the conversation by describing the situation of the Afro-descendant LGBTI populations as one of the worst in the world. Cesar shared that Brazil has one of the highest numbers of murders of trans women because of their gender identity, and in particular Afro-descendant trans women. He also revealed that the country has no public policies specifically for Afro-LGBTI individuals, and in recent years, the Ministries of Women, Racial Equality, and Human Rights within the government have been dissolved, which has weakened the participation of social movements demanding respect for the rights of trans men and women who are also Afro-descendants. Likewise, he pointed out that rates of murder and violence against LGBTI men and women are increasing alarmingly, particularly at the hands of local and/or municipal authorities. Finally, Cesar mentioned the critical situation of young Afro-LGBTI people, as they are the ones who report the highest rates of suicide due to social and family harassment, in addition to being victimized again due to their socio-economic condition, and lack of access to education and health.

On the other hand, Ingrid Gamboa, an Afro-Guatemalan Garifuna leader, stressed that the lack of economic resources represents a major hurdle for the Afro-descendant movement in its efforts to achieve the implementation of an action plan with regard to the International Decade of People of African Descent. Historically, Afro-descendants have been characterized as one of the ethnic groups with the largest inequality gaps in the world. Therefore, the lack of States’ commitment to guarantee the necessary resources for the implementation of said Decade limits the possibilities of participation and the formation of recognition of guarantees for the rights of the Afro-descendant people.

Finally, Association of Displaced Afro-Colombians (AFRODES) Vice-President Erlendy Cuero Bravo voiced her profound concern about the lack of visibility of the situation of Afro-descendant populations, which continues to be obscured by State representatives throughout the region, in particular related to assassinations, persecutions, harassment and intimidation which affects social leaders in various countries. Likewise, she declared that many states have abandoned the Afro-descendant population and are unaware of the structural issues related to poverty, discrimination and violation of human rights. “In Colombia, the Afro-descendant population was the group that supported the Peace Agreement the most, because we have suffered the most deaths, but yet the State has abandoned us. We are being killed each day, and yet it seems like the Colombian state has no eyes or ears to recognize our situation, or that the harassment of our people represents a systematic phenomenon. So far nothing has been done to guarantee the life of our men, women and children. Not because of a lack of public policies, because there are many, but rather because of a lack of political will. Today, my people are scared and confined because when someone kills one of our political leaders, they are also killing the entire Afro-descendant movement.”

How did Colombia do at the Universal Periodic Review (UPR)?

On May 10, Colombia underwent a review of its human rights record during the Third Cycle of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in Geneva, Switzerland. The UPR is the main mechanism of the UN Human Rights Council to review the human rights records of each of the 193 UN member states and issue recommendations to improve the state’s public policies. After each revision, carried out every 5 years, a final report is issued that lists the recommendations which the state should implement before the next review period.

During the session, Colombia’s Minister of the Interior, Guillermo Rivera, stated that “today, Colombia is a different country” and that achieving lasting peace from the armed conflict is the best way to guarantee the promotion and protection of human rights for all Colombians. Additionally, during the session, the Minister spoke about the signing of the peace agreement between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the national government in 2016 and the efforts to reach a similar agreement with the National Liberation Army (ELN).

The Minister also presented figures that indicated a reduction in rates of violence in 2017 to its lowest points in the last 42 years. Despite this figure, representatives of the countries present at the review continued to express concern for the high levels of violence, human rights violations, and murders of social leaders after the signing of the peace agreement.

Erlendy Cuero, the Vice-President of the National Association of Displaced Afro-Colombians (AFRODES), was present at the review thanks to the support of the Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality). She gave an overview of the situation of human rights in Colombia and urged the Colombian government to adopt the recommendations made by the States present at the review.

While the final report with the recommendations for the Colombian government is still being drafted, the following are some comments and suggestions mentioned by representatives of the States present during the review of the Colombian state:

 

Race and Equality hopes these recommendations will be significantly taken into account by the State when taking measures to protect the lives of social leaders and recognize the rights of Afro and indigenous communities, men, women, children, and the LGBTI population. The Colombian government must not wait to take action to reduce violence and human rights violations. The stable and lasting peace proposed in the peace agreement has not yet been achieved in the country.

Race and Equality hosts meetings in Colombia with the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, and related intolerance.

Bogota, March 1, 2018. The International Institute on Race, Equality, and Human Rights (Race and Equality) hosted public and private meetings in Bogota, Colombia with Miss E. Tendayi Achiume –  the UN Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, and related intolerance. During the public meeting, the Special Rapporteur’s mandate was discussed and explained. The private meeting was arranged exclusively with Afro-Colombian organizations. Miss Achiume was in Colombia to attend the 167th Period of Sessions of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights’ (IACHR).

Close to 80 participants attended the public informative meeting; including members of ethnic organizations, government institutions, local and international non-governmental organizations, aid and cooperation agencies, and interested members of the public. Ms. Achiume explained the functions of her mandate as well as the mechanisms used by the Rapporteurship to encourage states to comply with their international human rights obligations. This includes the obligation to protect people and communities that continue to suffer from discrimination and/or exclusion on the basis of race, national origin, sexual orientation, or gender identity. After her presentation, Ms. Achiume opened the floor for a dialogue with those present to discuss concerns about the relevance of the Rapporteurship and the contributions it can make towards eliminating discrimination and intolerance in Colombia.

Additionally, a private meeting was held with members of the National Association for Displaced Afro-Colombians (AFRODES), the National Conference of Afro-Colombian Organizations (CNOA), the Process of Black Communities (PCN), the Association of Community Councils of Northern Cauca (ACONC), the Afro-Colombian Labor Council (CLAF), the Network of Afro-Colombian Women KAMBIRI, the National Movement CIMARRON, the Technical Secretariat of the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP), the Consultancy for Displacement and Human Rights (CODHES), and ILEX – Afro-descendant Legal Action of Colombia.

Thanks to the contributions of each of the organizations present, the Special Rapporteur was able to gather first-hand accounts of the human rights situation of Afro-Colombian communities in the context of the implementation of the peace accords. Particular concerns raised included threats and assassinations committed against social leaders, violence and its confinement in Afro-Colombian territories, the precarious living conditions in which displaced Afro-Colombian populations live in, the continued processes of exclusion associated with legal and illegal economies, the situation of aggravated vulnerability of Afro-Colombian women, and the delay in the implementation of the Ethnic Chapter in the peace accords. Participating organizations coincided in highlighting the importance of the Special Rapporteur in requesting the Colombian government to carry out an official on-site visit to assess these situations in greater depth.

In concluding remarks, Ms. Achiume expressed her willingness to use all the mechanisms available to the Rapporteurship to convince the Colombian state to issue an adequate response to all the issues presented.

Race and Equality also highlights the importance that the past two official visits by the Special Rapporteur have had in Colombia. The visits occurred in 1996 and 2003 and the resulting reports contributed significantly in raising awareness of the grave human rights situation facing Afro-Colombian communities as a consequence of the armed conflict. Most of these recommendations are still relevant and should be implemented by the Colombian government in the current, post-accord context, where Afro-Colombian communities continue to face grave human rights violations. Race and Equality shares the opinion of the participating organizations that official on-site visit by the Rapporteurship should be conducted urgently and also recommends that the Rapporteurship maintain an open channel of communication the organizations that attended. Race and Equality also believes it is important that the Rapporteurship recommend that the Colombian state ratify the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination, and other forms of Intolerance.

Race and Equality will continue to promote channels of information and technical assistance to strengthen working relations between the UN Special Rapporteur and organizations from ethnic communities and the LGBTI population in the Americas.

More information on the Special Rapporteurship can be found here: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/Racism/SRRacism/Pages/IndexSRRacism.aspx

Peace Agreement and Afro-Colombians, One Year Later: “Peace is Costing Us Our Lives”

One year after the signing of the Peace Agreement that ended the Colombian internal armed conflict that had lasted more than 50 years against the FARC-EP guerrillas, an assessment of the progress made toward its implementation has not been favorable for Afro-Colombian communities.  The violation of their human rights continues and the legislative and institutional developments that are required for implementing the Agreement are not adequately applying the stipulations of the Ethnic Chapter which is an integral part of the Accords.  The post-Agreement conflicts that have been identified in diverse analyses, including what has been produced by the Institute on Race, Equality, and Human Rights,[1] have not been appropriately resolved by the Colombian government.  The present article analyzes some of the difficulties and factors that have impeded the conditions that shaped the signing of the Agreement from being strengthened as opportunities for guaranteeing the rights of Afro-Colombian communities.

The signing of the Final Agreement for the Termination of the Conflict and Construction of a Stable and Lasting Peace (hereinafter, the Agreement) on November 24, 2016 was a bittersweet moment for the Afro-Colombian organizations and communities that had undertaken intense advocacy efforts throughout the process of its negotiation.  They celebrated the achievement of a process that had opened up opportunities for constructing a sustainable peace through peaceful means, which they had supported from the outset; however, they became concerned about the effects of having been excluded from the process.  One exclusion was partially corrected at the last minute through the inclusion of the so-called Ethnic Chapter.  This ‘adjustment’ to the final text of the Agreement contains a set of recognitions, principles, safeguards and guarantees, and mechanisms which, if fully applied, would truly lead to the implementation of the Agreement guaranteeing the protection, restoration, and promotion of the ethnic rights that have been acquired and violated.  Nonetheless, and given the fact that the rest of the Agreement did not adequately incorporate a differential ethnic-Afro-Colombian focus, the concerns regarding  compliance with what was established in the Ethnic Chapter also became a part of this historic moment.

One year after the start of the implementation of the Peace Agreement, these concerns appear to not have been unjustified.  In the unfolding of the legislative process, the principal institutional condition for grounding the Agreement, the stipulations of the Ethnic Chapter have not been appropriately incorporated, nor have the prior consent processes been implemented with the communities and organizations.  In addition, the progress made in critical actions, such as illicit crop substitution and Development Plans with a Territorial Focus, have not guaranteed the participation of the most affected Afro-Colombian communities.  The violence (threats and assassinations of leaders, new displacements, [and] detentions) committed against rural and urban Afro-Colombian communities has not ceased.  All of these realities that do appear to be inconsistent with the spirt of the Agreement and have generated disappointment and despair among the communities, represent a threat to the end of the armed conflict contributing to guaranteeing their rights to truth, justice, reparations, and non-repetition.

An analysis of the progress made by the implementation of the Peace Agreement from an Afro-Colombian perspective represents an essential task which the Colombian government must perform so as to correct the inadequate adoption of a differential focus that has prevailed since it was signed.  The report[2] produced by the Kroc Institute of International Peace Studies at the University of Notre Dame [in the] U.S. – the institution designated by the Agreement as the party responsible for performing technical assessments of the implementation – has identified the delay and problems that exist with regard to the provisions of the Ethnic Chapter.  According to that report, the Ethnic Chapter is among the subtopics with the lowest levels of implementation.  In its recommendations, it identifies some actions that should be adopted so as to overcome this delay.  These recommendations and assessment are insufficient for generating the framework of understanding that is required for correcting the direction implementation takes so as to guarantee the adoption of a differential ethnic-Afro-Colombian focus.  It is necessary to analyze in greater depth and detail the problems that have presented themselves.  To that end, close attention should be paid to the analyses and proposals put forward by Afro-Colombian communities and organizations.

 

Post-Agreement violence

The persistence of grave violations of the human rights of communities, organizations, and their leaders constitutes the principal problem that must be recognized and addressed.  “Peace is costing us our lives” is an affirmation shared by all social sectors committed to defending the stipulations of the Peace Agreement.  The assassinations of leaders such as Jair Cortés of Alto Mira y Frontera [Alto Mira and Border] in Tumaco and Bernardo Cuero of the Asociación de Afro-Colombianos Desplazados [Association of Displaced Afro-Colombians] (AFRODES) in Malambo reflect the incapacity and failure of the government to confront a reality that was predicted in various analyses: it was known that the demobilization of the FARC-EP would lead to the elimination of one element of the violence, though would also produce a new armed dynamic due to disputes over territorial control of the zones where it had operated by other illegal armed groups (the ELN guerrillas and paramilitary groups), in connection with drug-trafficking dynamics.

This dynamic, perfectly foreseeable and identifiable in specific territories, should have driven the government to recognize the aggravated risk faced by male and female leaders and consequently, guarantee them appropriate protection measures, which should not be limited to the level of individuals but rather, incorporate measures of collective protection.  In many cases, the opposite has transpired.  When at-risk male and female Afro-Colombian leaders who have even been victims of threats and attempts on their lives request protective measures, the institutions charged with evaluating their risk assess the situation as being one of ‘ordinary risk.’  The mechanisms for determining the level of risk faced by the leaders of Afro-Colombian communities and organizations requires an in-depth review that truly recognizes the factors of risk associated with the context.

It is precisely from this perspective that an assessment is needed of the factors that are hindering the Colombian government from guaranteeing the right to life and political participation in Afro-Colombian regions such as Tumaco, Bajo Atrato, [and] Río San Juan, among others.  The issue in fact goes beyond the militarization of the territories considered by many communities to be inappropriate.  In the spirit of the Agreement, they expected and continue to expect the launch of a comprehensive State presence to attend to the communities’ basic needs through a process of prior consent.  What has happened, as demonstrated through the massacre of coca-farming campesinos in collective territories of the Alto Mira y Frontera Community Council in Tumaco, is that priority has been given to a vision that conceives of the implementation of the section of the Agreement related to the drug problem from an exclusively ‘criminal’ perspective.  As a result, there is no recognition of the impacts of drug-trafficking on the collective life of the communities, or of the conditions necessary for implementing a crop-substitution program.

The ongoing violations of the human rights of Afro-Colombian communities have not been limited to rural territories.  Zones in urban contexts of Buenaventura, Quibdó, Bogotá, Cali, [and] Cartagena, among others, where thousands of Afro-Colombians live in a state of forced displacement, also constitute areas disputed by illegal armed groups that coordinate with the dynamics of ‘micro-trafficking’ [of drugs].

 

Regulatory implementation

The Executive and Legislative Branches’ process of formulating and promulgating laws and decrees for implementing the Agreement has been a priority since it was signed.  According to the Kroc Institute report, as of September 2017 44 legislative initiatives had been approved through special mechanisms established for the regulatory implementation of the essential points in the Agreement; another 12 initiatives are underway and should be approved prior to the end of the fast-track’s validity on November 30, 2017.  The expectation of Afro-Colombian communities and organizations in terms of this process is the rigorous application of exactly what is stipulated in the Ethnic Chapter.  The guarantee of the right to free, prior, and informed consent must be established as the primary tool and principle for ensuring the adoption of a differential ethnic-Afro-Colombian focus.  It is in that light that the assessment is very negative.

According to reports from members of the Consejo Nacional de Paz Afrocolombiano [National Afro-Colombian Peace Council] – which as a part of the Comisión Étnica para la Paz y la Defensa de los Derechos Territoriales [Ethnic Commission for Peace and Defense of Territorial Rights] led the process that resulted in the formulation and inclusion of the Ethnic Chapter in the Agreement – there has been virtually no compliance with what was established regarding prior consent and progressivity in said chapter by the Executive Branch and Congress in the regulatory implementation.  Neither the Instancia de Alto Nivel con Pueblos Étnicos [High-Level Agency with Ethnic Peoples], defined in the Ethnic Chapter, nor the Espacio Nacional de Consulta Previa de las Comunidades Negras, Afrocolombianas, Raizales y Palenqueras [National Space for Prior Consent for Black, Afro-Colombian, Raizal, and Palenquera Communities] have been appropriately consulted regarding the legislative initiatives approved to date.  It does not appear to be feasible for this to be done during the remaining period in which fast-track is in force.

The consequence of this noncompliance has obviously been that said legislative actions lack a differential ethnic-Afro-Colombian focus to prevent regression in the rights acquired and guarantee that the implementation will lead to comprehensive reparations for the violated rights.  A profound review is needed of all of these legislative acts with an eye to identifying mechanisms that are necessary for “correcting” the omissions, however in the concrete field of implementation.  The problem that will emerge is that in Colombia what is “not named in the laws” is very difficult to demand when those laws are applied.  It is true that the Agreement itself, in addition to the Ethnic Chapter, emphasize the commitment to applying differential foci.  This should be enough.  However, the lack of ethnic-Afro-Colombian specificity in the texts of the legislative acts will make it much more difficult for the institutions that will be charged with applying the laws for implementing the Agreement to adopt said focus.

As an example, the Decree that creates the Commission for Clarification of Truth, Coexistence, and Non-Repetition brings together original texts from the Agreement that mention the impacts of the conflict on the various population groups that are most vulnerable (women, Afro-Colombians, indigenous people, children, etc.).  However, when it comes to creating specific mechanisms within the Commission to ensure the application of those differential foci, the Decree only stipulates the creation of a group on gender issues.  This specificity in matters of gender is completely adequate and was achieved as a result of the advocacy processes carried out during the process [sic] by women’s organizations.  The creation of an analogous group for ethnic matters should be included in this legislative phase, regardless of the advocacy performed by Afro-Colombian organizations.  If prior consent had been guaranteed, the Decree probably would have had to include a similar provision as it has for gender issues.

The legislative initiatives related to the Comprehensive Rural Reform have also been monitored and strongly criticized by Afro-Colombian, indigenous, and campesino organizations, and even by a group of Members of Congress.  Some pronouncements have put forward strong arguments regarding some legislative acts being inconsistent with what is established by the Agreement.  Apparently, mechanisms are being proposed that can turn the clock back in terms of the territorial rights acquired by ethnic communities.

 

The Framework Implementation Plan (PMI)

The formulation and approval of the PMI has been the other essential institutional process that has transpired during this first year of implementation and is critical for the prospects of guaranteeing the rights of Afro-Colombian communities and those affected by the conflict.  According to the Kroc Institute report, “The PMI, and later CONPES, is a key instrument of public policy for translating the Final Agreement into programmatic and budgetary instruments of public policy that integrate the Peace Agreement into the daily and structural functioning of the State.”  Said report indicates that this process has been delayed by six months with regard to the timeframe established by the Agreement, which represents a significant obstacle.  The inclusion of a differential ethnic-Afro-Colombian focus in the PMI has faced profound difficulties.

The critical component of the PMI for achieving the adoption of a differential focus is the formulation and inclusion of goals and indicators.  Any intention established by the Agreement that does not translate into these terms in the PMI will lead it to not being an obligatory commitment for the Colombian government and therefore, will not receive a budgetary allocation.

Representatives of the Ethnic Commission for Peace and Defense of Territorial Rights, which in turn is part of the Special High-Level Agency for Ethnic Peoples, has been actively participating in the spaces created for drafting the PMI.  Using their own technical resources, they have drafted and delivered a proposal on technical indicators and goals.  However, they have encountered systematic resistance to having their proposals be included.  As of this writing, it appears that a version of the PMI will be produced that in fact incorporates the ethnic focus at the level of indicators and goals.  Even so, the liaising process between the governmental institutions and Afro-Colombian organizations has evinced a lack of political will and understanding regarding the importance of a differential ethnic focus as a constituent element for the construction of peace.

 

Strengthening the conditions for effective participation

Since the start of the negotiation process, the Colombian government and FARC-EP coincided in that the victims of the conflict would be at the center.  The final text of the Agreement indeed reflects this commitment.  Not only in that one of its points is exclusively dedicated to victims’ rights but in fact, all of the Agreement’s points adopt this commitment.  As such, the expectation of Afro-Colombian communities was that with the signing of the Agreement, all of the necessary measures would be adopted, from the start of its implementation, in order to guarantee their effective participation.  The principle of prior consent stipulated in the Ethnic Chapter reinforced that expectation.  Likewise, it appeared that the Special High-Level Agency with Ethnic Peoples that was created would become a fundamental mechanism for safeguarding this participation.

The assessments of the Afro-Colombian communities and organizations regarding the Colombian government’s actions to contribute to strengthening the conditions for their effective participation in the implementation of the Agreement during its first year are unfavorable.

The Special High-Level Agency with Ethnic Peoples was indeed created; however, it has not had the adequate logistical or technical conditions for producing the inputs that are required for participating in legislative processes or institutional design that have been put forward.  In addition, in the case of formulating the PMI, the discussion spaces have oftentimes lacked representatives from government institutions with decision-making power.  The latter is precisely what has constituted a factor delaying the scope of the Agreement in terms of including essential proposals for guaranteeing the adoption of an ethnic-Afro-Colombian focus.

The effort to strengthen conditions for participation in communities and organizations in the territories (rural and urban) has been even more limited, starting from the absence of systematic educational work that truly permits a minimal understanding of the content of the Agreement and implementation process.

The design of the regulatory and institutional architecture is, without a doubt, an essential requirement for successfully implementing the Agreement.  However, organizational strengthening is equally a condition sine qua non for effectively applying the regulations and executing the public policies that can allow the Agreement to become reality.  Were said strengthening not to be addressed, we run the risk of maintaining a large gap between what the laws mandate and what is in fact achieved by the public policies that seek to operationalize them.

The assessment of the first year of implementation of the Agreement presented in this article as regards the conditions for guaranteeing the rights of Afro-Colombian communities affected by the conflict is certainly worrisome.  The lack of compliance with the stipulations of the Ethnic Chapter is significant.  Despite that, there continues to be a margin for the implementation framework to truly become an opportunity for comprehensive reparations and overcoming historic exclusion.  Afro-Colombian organizations and communities continue doing their part through a proactive position to contribute to constructing peace.  It is the responsibility of the Colombian State and FARC-EP to make a course-correction so as to guarantee effective inclusion in the implementation of the Agreement.

 

Recommendations

The Institute on Race, Equality, and Human Rights believes that in order to improve the adoption of a differential ethnic-Afro-Colombian focus in the processes of implementing the Peace Agreement, the following recommendations should be addressed:

 

The Executive Branch of the Colombian government should:

  • Ensure the conditions for guaranteeing the right to free, prior, and informed consent in all legislative and administrative acts.
  • Increase the resources allocated to the operational and technical functioning of the Special High-Level Agency with Ethnic Peoples.
  • Guarantee adequate protective measures for all male and female leaders who are at risk, both in rural as well as urban contexts.

The Congress of the Republic should:

  • Guarantee the processes of the right to free, prior, and informed consent in the issuance of legislative acts via the normal route once the fast-track mechanism is no longer in force.

The FARC-EP should:

  • Strengthen efforts to ensure its former combatants know and apply the stipulations of the Ethnic Chapter in matters under their purview.

To the international community:

  • Cooperation agencies and other donors with a presence in Colombia should prioritize financing the strengthening of organizations at the territorial level from the perspective of [ensuring] effective participation in the mechanisms created for implementing the Agreement.
  • The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights should perform an on-the-ground visit to the country to specifically assess the situation of Afro-Colombian communities and the state of compliance with the Agreement’s Ethnic Chapter.

To Afro-Colombian organizations and communities:

  • Strengthen educational actions aimed at their base focused on the regulations, policies, and programs through which the Agreement is being implemented.

Continue strengthening the use of international human rights protection measures in their processes of monitoring the implementation of the Agreement.

[1] Institute on Race, Equality, and Human Rights.  Afro-Colombians and the Post-Agreement: An Analysis of the Conditions for Adopting a Differential Ethnic-Afro-Colombian Focus.  Political Analysis Document 1.  Colombia office.  September 2016.  (Available at: http://oldrace.wp/espanol-2/nueva-publicacion-de-instituto-sobre-raza-igualdad-y-derechos-humanos-con-analisis-sobre-el-proceso-de-paz-en-colombia-y-la-situacion-de-los-afrocolombianos/).

[2] Kroc Institute of International Peace Studies.  Report on the Effective State of Implementation of the Colombia Peace Agreement.  November 2017.

Barranquilla Hosts the First-ever International Conference of Afro-descendant LGBTI People from Latin America and the Caribbean, from November 8-10

The conference, organized by the Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights, and Caribe Afirmativo of Colombia, with the support of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), the International Organization for Migration (IOM), and the Inter-American Foundation (IAF), will give way to the formation of a Latin America and the Caribbean, Afro LGBTI network, which will seek to promote the ratification of the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance, within the region. The Convention was approved by the Organization of American States (OAS) in 2013, during its annual General Assembly, and which will enter into full force on November 11, 2017.

A historic gathering of over 18 Afro-descendant LGBTI leaders from Colombia, Brazil, Cuba, Peru, the USA and the Dominican Republic will convene together, beginning on Wednesday, November 8, 2017, with the purpose of developing collective efforts to recognize LGBTI rights within the Afro-descendant context of the Americas and the Caribbean. Afro-descendant LGBTI people constitute one of biggest social groups experiencing heightened prejudice related to the intersectionality of their identities, in this case, because of their racial/ethnic identity, and their sexual/gender identity. Afro LGBTI people not only suffer from day-to-day homophobia and transphobia, but also deal with political, economic, social and cultural exclusion; the majority suffer from poverty, unemployment and lack of education.

Four out of every ten homicides committed against LGBTI people in Latin America are against Afro-descendant LGBTI. Three out of every five acts of police violence are found to be directed towards them. The most prevalent cases of criminalization, impunity and persecution of LGBTI leaders in Latin America and the Caribbean take place in primarily Afro-descendant territories. Furthermore, when looking at situations of denial of rights towards LGBTI people across the region, it is common to find even greater levels of stigma and discrimination when it comes to an Afro-descendant, black, palanquero, or raizal individual.

This first conference, from which the Network of Afro-descendant LGBTI of the Americas will emerge, is one of the agreed-upon initiatives, signed by activists and LGBTI organizations in Guatemala in 2013, just as OAS Member States were signing two historic conventions designed to stop the discrimination against Afro-descendant and Afro-LGBTI people, and which are yet to be ratified by the majority of countries in the region. These conventions acknowledge that much of the violence that affects the LGBTI population of Latin America and the Caribbean occurs in Afro-descendant territories; that gaps of inequality and inequity that affect Afro groups increase in people that are lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans or intersex. Furthermore, the Conventions note the absence of processes, programs and actions within Afro-descendant communities that guarantee the rights and visibility of LGBTI people in their territories.  They initiate a network-wide work that guarantees the access and effective enjoyment of the rights of LGBTI persons in Afro-descendant communities.

It is important to highlight that Caribe Afirmativo was an active member of the civil society groups promoting the creation of the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance and the Inter-American Convention against All Forms of Discrimination and Intolerance, within the framework of the 44th General Assembly of the OAS in Antigua, Guatemala, in 2013. In these conventions, the intersectionality of social categories that exacerbate imbricated discrimination, including ethnic, racial, sexual and gender identities, was introduced.

Addressing these topics, this first conference of Afro-LGBTI leaders aims to be a space for dialogue and debate on the common living conditions of LGBTI people in Afro contexts; to build an advocacy agenda in Latin America and the Caribbean that will achieve the commitment of states to eliminate all forms of discrimination; to help identify other forms of discrimination and to generate common strategies in partnerships between the Afro movement and the LGBTI movement.

During the three days, the following leaders/organizations will participate in the conference:

–Caribe Afirmativo (Colombia): plural institution working for the promotion of human rights of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex (LGBTI) population.

–Arco Iris Libre de Tumaco (Colombia): Social organization that denounces and documents human rights violations against LGBTI Afro-descendants.

– Foro Nacional de Pessoas Trans (Brazil): An organization that advocates for the rights of Afro-descendant Trans people in Brazil.

–Rede Negra LGBTI (Brazil): The Rede (network) has contributed extensively on issues of race, sexual orientation and gender identity in Brazil, for more than ten years.

–Ashanti (Peru): Organization with the goal of combating discrimination due to the lack of visibility of Afro-descendants in Peru.

–TRANSSA (Dominican Republic): Organization that promotes respect and equality of Trans people in the Dominican Republic.

–Manos (Cuba): A network of Cuban LGBTI organizations working for the recognition of the population in the context of Afro-Cubans in the country.

–Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights: an International, non-governmental organization for the defense and protection of human rights.

– Inclusion for Peace Program – IPA: A program of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) aimed at significantly closing the inclusion gap between the general population and ethnic populations.

For Race and Equality and Caribe Afirmativo, this is an historic opportunity to strengthen civil society in terms of understanding the intersections, and resistance to the historical discriminations that so many LGBTI people and people of African descent have suffered throughout their lives. The meeting will also be a tribute to Carlos Augusto Panesso, who was murdered on May 18. Carlos was a gay leader of the first Afro-descendant LGBTI organization in Colombia, called Arcoíris de Tumaco. He was murdered in an openly prejudiced act because of his sexual orientation and LGBTI activism in the Colombian Pacific Region – he had previously been a victim of threats and forced displacement, and his organization continues to receive threats and persecution from the actors participating in the conflict in Colombia.

Race and Equality Welcomes Implementation of Protection Measures for Erlendy Cuero Bravo, Vice-President of AFRODES

August 29, 2017 | Washington, DC

The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights welcomes the decision by the State of Colombia to implement protection measures ordered by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in favor of Erlendy Cuero Bravo and her family. The measures are part of the implementation of Precautionary Measure 658-16 granted to Ms. Cuero Bravo and her family by the Inter-American Commission in December 2016. Since then, Race and Equality has been advocating for the implementation of those measures by the Colombian State, through its National Protection Unit.

Ms. Cuero Bravo is Vice-President of the Association of Displaced Afro-Colombians (AFRODES) and a human rights activist based in Cali, Colombia. As a result of her work with Afro-Colombian communities displaced by the internal armed conflict, Ms. Cuero Bravo and her family members have received multiple death threats and have survived several assassination attempts. Despite repeatedly reporting this security situation to Colombian authorities during the past decade, Erlendy did not receive adequate measures to protect her life and physical integrity and allow her to continue her work as a community leader and human rights defender until the Inter-American Commission intervened.

When she finally received the measures, Ms. Cuero Bravo commented, “On many occasions I’ve felt afraid, I’ve cried, and thought that I didn’t have the strength to continue. But, the depressing situation in which the Afro community and victims in this country live has been my incentive to carry on. The measures adopted for me do not represent an end in themselves, but the possibility to mitigate the risks derived from my activity as an activist and human rights defender, for which full-time dedication is required on behalf of the victims and vulnerable populations requiring this permanent presence and companionship. I would like the Colombian government to pay attention and work for the prevention of harm befalling leaders who are persecuted and threatened, to avoid that people who dedicate their lives to constructing peace in the midst of adversity end up dead, leaving their families shrouded in grief, as happened with my dear brother Bernardo Cuero Bravo.”

While the assignation of protection measures for Ms. Cuero Bravo is a positive step, Race and Equality notes that many other Afro-Colombian community leaders and human rights defenders are facing similar risks to their lives and personal security as a result of their advocacy work. “We are pleased that Colombia is upholding its obligation to protect the life and physical integrity of Erlendy, and to allow her to continue her work on behalf of displaced Afro-Colombians. However, there are many other Afro-Colombian leaders at risk who are also awaiting protection measures from the National Protection Unit. We encourage the National Protection Unit to pay attention to their cases,” stated Race and Equality Executive Director Carlos Quesada.

In the current context of the implementation of the Peace Accord in Colombia, the protection of leaders of victims’ populations should be a priority for the Colombian State. Unfortunately, as different sources have analyzed – among them Race and Equality – violence against those social leaders has been on the rise.

Race and Equality will continue to work with Ms. Cuero Bravo and partner organization AFRODES to support Afro-Colombian community leaders at risk.

Colombia: The situation of human rights defenders. Interview with Arnaldo Hernández, AFRODES leader at risk without adequate protection

Bogotá, June 19, 2017. Upon returning to his home after attending the funeral of Bernardo Cuero Bravo, the board member of the National Association of Displaced Afro-Colombians (AFRODES) who was assassinated this past June 7, 2017, Arnaldo Hernández was informed that unknown subjects had been loitering near his house and asking for him. He also learned of a new pamphlet with death threats against leaders in Malambo, the municipality where Bernardo worked, lived and was murdered. Over the last few weeks, Arnaldo has avoided leaving his house as much as possible, out of fear and for lack of an adequate institutional response that would provide him adequate protection that, just as it was with Bernardo, continues to be denied him. The Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights visited Arnaldo this past June 29 and interviewed him to understand in greater detail his situation and the work that he does.

Arnaldo Hernández is a member of the AFRODES Board of Directors and a representative of the organizations of the displaced Afro-Colombian population in Cartagena. His is also a representative of black communities before the Cartagena District Roundtable for Victims. Regrettably, as in the case of Bernardo, the Colombian state has still not provided him the adequate protective measures to guarantee his right to life and personal integrity and that will allow him to practice his leadership activities in forcibly-displaced Afro-Colombian communities.

 

The Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights: We know that you face a risk situation like that faced by Bernardo, which is directly related to your leadership activities. Could you begin by telling us a little about that leadership work?

 Arnaldo Hernández: I’ve been a board member of AFRODES since the year 2000, when I was displaced to Cartagena. My forced arrival in Cartagena is part of a long line of threats and attacks that go back to the time when I began as a social leader. From 1984 to 1999, I was a union leader in Turbo, from where I had to leave. I arrived a Montes de Maria and there too, in the year 2000, I was a victim of an attack, causing me to be displaced again. Currently, as representative of AFRODES in Cartagena and the Caribbean region, and as representative of black communities before the Cartagena District Roundtable for Victims, I work to support advocacy, training and management actions on projects by the displaced Afro-Colombian population in the region. In the Bolívar Department, I work with twenty-seven organizations linked to AFRODES’ work. In the specific case of Cartagena, the eleven organizational processes we accompany bring together thousands of displaced Afro-Colombians that today live in the city’s most marginalized communities, such as Nelson Mandela, Olaya, Pozón and Faldas de Popa.

 

Race and Equality: Why does this work to support these communities and organizations bring a risk, especially now that the country finds itself in the implementation stage of the Peace Accords with the FARC?

AH: In the case of the Bolívar Department, like in many regions where our communities live, the peace signing has not meant that the threats and violence stop. Bear in mind, in this region, paramilitary groups continue to control the territory, especially everything related to the narco-trafficking business. This happens in many municipalities and other parts of Bolívar where our communities are, in Montes de Maria, Maria la Baja, El Carmen, Malagana and Sincerin, but also in the urban areas of Cartagena.

When we as AFRODES go to these communities to educate them about their rights, we are still accused of coming to “revolutionize the community.” Obviously, what these armed groups are looking to do is to maintain control over narco-trafficking and the local drug trade, and to recruit our young people. Anyone who denounces these situations and helps to empower the community becomes a military target. This is exactly what happened to Bernardo. It was not, as the National Protection Unit is saying, that he had an argument with some neighbor. Like Bernardo, I and other AFRODES leaders risk our lives daily when we support communities in their denouncements and advocacy processes. This risk situation is worsened by the actions of many institutions and public workers that there to protect us, but that sometimes contribute to our stigmatization. A civil servant even accused me of being a FARC guerrilla for having been part of a group that led a peaceful occupation of the Cartagena Victims’ Unit, something we had to do as a way to denounce the systematic failure of the government to fulfill its obligations to the people.

 

Race & Equality: We understand that on several occasions you have denounced the threats you have recently received and, like in Bernardo’s case, you’ve requested protective measures from the National Protection Unit.

AH: Neither for the risk situation that I face today, nor in previous occasions in which my family and I have been victims of attacks, threats and other rights violations, has that government provided me the necessary measures. One risk assessment on my situation even concluded that I faced “extraordinary risk.” And do you know that they gave me? A bulletproof vest and a cell phone without enough credit. Right now, as for government measures, the vest is all I have. Last December, again I was the victim of threats, attacks and harassment. Just recently, coming back from burying my colleague Bernado, I find new threats against my life and personal integrity. I’ve lodged complaints before the proper institutions, but I’ve yet to receive a satisfactory response from the government.

 

Race & Equality: What would be the protection measures that you and other AFRODES leaders need?

AH: What we need is the same protective framework that other social leaders facing the same situation have. A vest and a phone are not enough. To move freely, we need bodyguards and a vehicle. It is the only way to continue our work accompanying and representing the communities. In my case, to be able to continue my work with the communities in Bolivar and other Caribbean departments, I also need resources to relocate to Cartagena. The latest incidents that I’ve faced in Santa Catalina, the municipality where I live, demonstrate the vulnerable situation I find myself in. Collective protection measures needed by our organizations and communities must also be considered. The situation faced by colleagues from the organizational processes in Malambo because of Bernardo’s death, or that of the organizations of AFRODES Cali, who have recently received new threats, is very unfortunate.

 

Arnaldo’s case is not an isolated one. Other AFRODES leaders face a similar situation, and the Colombian government continues to fail to provide them adequate protection measures. In the case of AFRODES’ vice-president, Erlendy Cuero Bravo, beneficiary of the Precautionary Measure No. 658-16 of 2016, the government has still not provided her with protective measures. The Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights reiterates the priority that should be given by the Colombian government to compliance with this precautionary measure and the provision of adequate collective measures for Arnaldo and other AFRODES leaders who continue to be at risk.

Institute Holds the Colombian State Responsible for the Assassination of Bernardo Cuero, leader from the National Association of Displaced Afro-Colombians: Another Leader the National Protection Unit Has Failed to Protect

The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights profoundly laments, denounces and repudiates the assassination on June 7 of Bernardo Cuero, Afro-Colombian leader and member of the governing board of the National Association of Displaced Afro-Colombians (AFRODES).

Bernardo’s critical security situation, itself a result of his and his family’s displacement due to violence associated with the armed conflict, had been documented and denounced at the national and international levels. In October 2013, he appeared in a public hearing before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) to report on his own security situation and those of other AFRODES members. At the hearing, Bernardo spoke of his own case, saying, “despite the denouncement of each occurrence, there are no investigations or findings for any of them.” He also spoke of his role as an Afro-Colombian human rights defender and its relation to the security threats he received, adding: “To demand respect for our right to conduct our advocacy work on behalf of our communities cannot be a reason to condemn us and our families to death.” In fact, after the hearing, threats and attacks increased against him, as well as against Erlendy Cuero Bravo, Vice-President of AFRODES. More recently, in March, in a public hearing before the Commission requested by the Colombian state to discuss the topic of threats against social leaders, the Institute again denounced the critical security situation of AFRODES leaders, including Bernardo, for whom the state had continued to deny protection measures. The failure to provide this necessary protection places the responsibility for Bernardo’s death on the state of Colombia.

In this heinous attack, the assailants tracked Bernardo to his home in Malambo, in the Department of Atlántico. All the details of the attack have yet to be made public, but one thing remains clear: the Colombian state systematically denied Bernardo adequate protection measures, despite the numerous requests made after several threats and attempts on his life. As in the cases of other social leaders, the results of the risk assessment found—absurdly—that the level of risk he faced was “ordinary.” The “risk assessment” process has been a failure and it has failed one more leader. Bernardo had said—as other leaders facing similar situations had said as well—that the only way the Colombian state would recognize that an extraordinary risk existed would be if “they killed you.”

With this most recent assassination of an AFRODES member, the Institute demands that the Colombian state undertake an immediate investigation of the crime and provide reparations and protection for Bernardo’s family. Moreover, the state must immediately provide protective measures to all AFRODES members and accept responsibility for its failure to act in Bernardo’s case and those of his colleagues.

The Institute also calls on international human rights institutions and members of the international community who support peacebuilding efforts in Colombia to forcefully urge the Colombian state to investigate the crime against Bernardo and to immediately grant the necessary individual and collective protective measures to AFRODES and other organizations representing Colombia’s ethnic communities.

Lastly, we urgently request that the Colombian state comply with Precautionary Measure 658-16 granted to Erlendy Cuero Bravo, Vice-President of AFRODES. At the same time, we urge the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, the UN Special Procedures and the Committee for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination to continue to monitor and act in favor of the protection of human rights defenders in Colombia, given that the state of Colombia and its institutions, through indifference and failure to act in the face of attacks and assassinations of Afro-Colombians, have been unable to protect those who defend their people’s territory, world view, and human rights.

Afro-Colombian Day 2017: A Worsening of Structural Exclusion and Violence

As it did last May 21, the Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights reiterates its support for this year’s Afro-Colombian Day and the millions of Afro-Colombian men and women who continue to overcome adversity and exclusion in their struggle for liberation. We offer our most sincere solidarity with and support for Afro-Colombian communities and organizations, victims of the armed conflict that, despite not being sufficiently included in the implementation of the Peace Accords, have continued to propose peacebuilding initiatives for a sustainable peace that includes social justice for all Colombians.

On this Afro-Colombian Day 2017, the situation of the Afro-Colombian communities most excluded and affected by the armed conflict shows disconcerting similarities to that of the end of the 1990s when the conflict struck Colombia’s Pacific region: violence, displacement and a restriction of rights in the Bajo Atrato communities, repression against Afro-Colombians’ peaceful demonstrations in Buenaventura, indifference toward the general strike in Quibdó, and assassinations of leaders throughout the region. To this must also be added the precarious material situation, reflected in their lower scores on quality of life indicators, in which Afro-Colombians continue their daily struggles. The demands of Afro-Colombian communities, which for two decades have denounced a genocide in progress, increasingly appear not only justified but urgent.

Throughout last year, despite the persistence of structural problems and the inadequate response of Colombian authorities to them, hope endured. The exclusion of Afro-Colombian communities from the peace negotiations was partially corrected by the inclusion of the Ethnic Chapter in the Peace Accords. At the time we celebrated this achievement, understanding that the chapter ensured the commitment of the Colombian government to safeguard the constitutional rights of ethnic communities in all legislative and administrative acts related to the Accords’ implementation through Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities’ free and informed prior consent.

Following the signing of the final Accords, despite the impasse caused by the “no” vote in the national referendum, dialogue between the two negotiating parties (the government and the FARC) and Afro-Colombian representatives such as the National Afro-Colombian Peace Council (CONPA), one of the organizations responsible for the inclusion of the Ethnic Chapter, initiated a favorable trajectory. Despite this positive start, the reality we confront on this year’s Afro-Colombian Day is, at best, a disappointing one.

Afro-Colombian groups have publicly stated that their rights to prior consent have not been respected, resulting in their exclusion from the legislative process thus far. Even more concerning, Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos has made alarming and dangerous statements about the mechanism for ethnic groups’ participations, saying that “prior consent has become a headache for us.” These types of statements not only distort the importance of the right to prior consent, they reinforce the hostile arguments used against ethnic communities, arguments which at times have fueled the violence perpetrated against these communities and their leaders by the country’s armed groups.

While statements such as these have been disappointing, even more disheartening has been the combination of indifference and repression used by the government to stymie the general strike and demonstrations in Quibdó and Buenaventura. In these two cities, both emblematic of the Afro-Colombian people, citizens have been mobilizing peacefully for the last week. Motivated by the continued failure of the Colombian government to follow through on its commitment to help residents there, these communities have risen up peacefully against their government’s indifference, obfuscation and violent repression.

The Institute calls on the Colombian government to take real steps to address the proposals being put forth by the communities of Quibdó and Buenaventura, as well as those made by CONPA (read in full the Press Release). These proposals provide the necessary guidance to overcome the structural causes of exclusion and violence against Afro-Colombian communities. It is our hope that for Afro-Colombian Day 2018 we can give a more positive account of the situation of Afro-Colombians and recognize not only the work of Afro-Colombian communities and organizations, but also the positive response of the Colombian government to the present critical situation.

Call for Latin American Countries – External Evaluation of the Institute’s work on supporting Afro-descendant Civil Society

* Kindly note that this is a call for a Spanish-speaking applicants to conduct the evaluation.

Términos Referencia

Evaluación externa del trabajo del Instituto Internacional sobre Raza, Igualdad y Derechos Humanos para apoyar a la sociedad civil afrodescendiente en la investigación y producción de reportes sobre las disparidades raciales en el mercado laboral

Introducción

Los afrodescendientes continúan enfrentando obstáculos significativos para el goce efectivo de los derechos humanos. Muchos de estos obstáculos son el resultado de la discriminación étnica y racial que persiste, incluyendo la discriminación que enfrenta en su vida laboral. Los afrodescendientes trabajan en oficios más difíciles y precarios, y reciben menores ingresos que la población blanca. Pero también tienen menor acceso a los sectores más lucrativos de la economía.

El Instituto Internacional sobre Raza, Igualdad y Derechos Humanos ha venido trabajando por varios años abordando el tema de la discriminación por motivos de raza, etnicidad, género, orientación sexual e identidad de género. Su trabajo se ha orientado a fortalecer las capacidades de actores de la sociedad civil para visibilizar las problemáticas de discriminación e incidir sobre los mecanismos internacionales de derechos humanos de tal forma que estos ejerzan presión sobre los gobiernos de la región para que trabajen para lograr una mayor igualdad para las poblaciones vulnerables.

Propósito y alcance de la evaluación

El Instituto está interesado en realizar una evaluación independiente para valorar el impacto de su proyecto que buscaba apoyar a los activistas afrodescendientes en la realización de investigaciones sobre las disparidades en el mercado laboral. El objetivo fundamental de la evaluación es brindar una valoración que identifique los logros, las contribuciones del Instituto para generar cambios positivos, las oportunidades desaprovechadas y los retos del proyecto. Esta valoración deberá servir para mejorar trabajos futuros en el tema del proyecto y otros tópicos relacionados con el. Desde esta perspectiva, la audiencia primaria de la evaluación será el Instituto, su Director Ejecutivo y el equipo de trabajo.

La evaluación deberá abordar las siguientes arreas clave del proyecto:

  • Resultados e impacto
  • Relevancia
  • Efectividad para alcanzar los objetivos
  • Procesos internos y administración del proyecto
  • Inclusión de la perspectiva inter-seccional (género y LGBT)

El reporte final deberá incluir recomendaciones para la construcción de modelos exitosos, lecciones aprendidas así como sugerencias para superar cualquier limitación en el trabajo actual y futuro del Instituto.

Metodología

Para esta evaluación se recomienda preferiblemente la aplicación de métodos cualitativos que hagan uso de diversas técnicas de recolección de datos. Esta aproximación puede incluir revisión con base en documentación de las investigaciones y acciones de incidencia ejecutadas, un análisis de la cronología de las actividades del proyecto así como de sus productos y resultados, análisis de la correspondencia electrónica, entrevistas como con participantes del proyecto y actores externos relevantes, cuestionarios escritos, revisión de reportes y documentación asociada al proyecto, incluyendo artículos publicados en medios de comunicación y comunicados de prensa. Durante la evaluación, se espera que el evaluador se involucre con varios actores internos y externos al proyecto; esto incluye pero no se limita a:

  • Equipo de trabajo del Instituto, incluyendo su Director Ejecutivo, el Oficial de Programa a cargo del proyecto, el Asistente de Programa.
  • Participantes del proyecto.
  • Conferencistas y capacitadores que participaron en las actividades del proyecto.
  • Actores de la sociedad civil de la región que participaron en actividades del proyecto.
  • Personal de instituciones internacionales de derechos humanos, incluyendo la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos y las Naciones Unidas.

La lista final de actores que deberán consultarse para la evaluación será definida conjuntamente entre el Instituto y el evaluador seleccionado.

El Instituto realizará una preselección de posibles evaluadores (lista corta) a los que solicitará: una breve descripción de la metodología que usarían para la evaluación, propuesta económica, y un borrador de plan de trabajo con cronograma específico. El evaluador seleccionado trabajaría en colaboración con el equipo del Instituto para refinar la metodología y desarrollar un plan de evaluación detallado. Durante las fases de investigación y análisis de la evaluación, el consultor trabajara en forma independiente.

Productos principales

Los productos principales que el evaluador deberá entregar son:

  • Una metodología de evaluación detallada y un plan de evaluación
  • Una presentación breve con los hallazgos iniciales de la evaluación.
  • Un documento preliminar de reporte final para ofrecer comentarios
  • Un reporte final de la evaluación (máximo 20 páginas)

Marco temporal tentativo y proceso de selección

El Instituto espera que la evaluación se inicie el 1 de junio de y termine el 31 de junio de 2017. Dentro de este periodo calendario de tiempo, se espera que evaluador realice la evaluación en 20 días laborales. Las fechas exactas se concertaran con el evaluador seleccionado.

El Instituto está interesado en recibir aplicaciones del mayor número posible de evaluadores. Las aplicaciones deben incluir;

  • Una carta que presente al evaluador y destaque sus habilidades y competencias para esta evaluación.
  • Documento con: descripción breve del proceso de evaluación propuesto que incluya la metodología, el plan de evaluación, y propuesta económica
  • Hoja de vida resumida.
  • Un ejemplo de una evaluación previa que haya realizado, preferiblemente una en que haya usado metodologías relevantes para la presente evaluación.

Las aplicaciones deben remitirse a  jobs@raceandeqaulity.org  hasta el 26 de mayo de 2017.

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