Political Violence in Brazil: What is the Value of Black and Transgender Parliamentarians Lives?

Political Violence in Brazil: What is the Value of Black and Transgender Parliamentarians Lives?

Given the growing political-electoral violence plaguing the security of trans and black parliamentarians in Brazil, both in their daily lives and in the exercise of their mandates, the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) makes an urgent call for international human rights and protective strategies.The imminent risk of death due to political violence led the black trans councilor, Benny Briolli (PSOL/RJ), to leave the country in May 2021. The severity of the threats and attacks directed at Benny caused her political party to seek shelter in another country for her safety.

The current fragility of Brazilian democracy calls into question the political actors who defend the guidelines for the guarantee of human rights, with political violence being the engine of hate speech and the spread of false news. We witness with great concern that the Brazilian State fails to respond to complaints, and in cases where it is obliged to respond when triggered by the press or public hearings, it uses dubious statistics. The States’ failures are in addition to tokenizing women, black people, and the LGBTI+ community to forge the inclusion of diversity in their government. However, the lack of protective measures for these groups displays that security is insignificant to those in power to stop the structures that feed political violence.

After the dictatorial period of extreme political violence, the struggle for power remained marked by threats and attacks, all culminating in the assassination of Councilwoman Marielle Franco in 2018. However, it is important to note that political violence was also strategic for President Bolsonaro’s election who, after allegedly being stabbed, managed to mobilize the whole country around the incident. One can see how political violence is key for a government to establish and maintain the culture of fear and repression.

The politics created out of fear and insecurity is only effective when representatives of the most vulnerable population are prevented from exercising their mandates because they question the status quo, either because of their political platforms, or because of their black bodies that perform femineity. Thus, for a government that was consolidated at the polls due to political violence, this domino effect that led city councilor Benny Briolli to leave the country is only the tip of the iceberg of virtual attacks, gender violence and the silencing of a nation.

Within the Bosonarist era, the 2020 elections took place amid tensions of political and electoral threats. Although in 2020 the black movement achieved success in passing the racial criterion [1] for time division and political propaganda on the radio and television, hate speech on social networks gained strength. Moreover, according to a survey conducted by the organizations Terra de Direitos and Justiça Global [2], Brazil recorded an act of political violence every 72 hours in the last elections. The polarized political climate continues to naturalize violence as a coercive ‘weapon’ towards underrepresented groups.

The report, “Political and Electoral Violence in Brazil: An Overview of Human Rights Violations from 20016-2020”, organized by the institutions mentioned above presents striking data. For example, an average of 27 cases of attacks per years are experienced by those elected, as well as candidates. Councillors and mayors are among the political posts with the most registered cases, and as we have repeatedly denounced, the report confirms that proportionally women suffer more violence. The research “Mapping Political Violence Against Black Women” [3] conducted by the Marielle Franco Institute in partnership with Justiça Global and Terra de Direitos, centralized their focus on gender-based political violence. According to the report, about eight out of ten black women in the 2020 elections experienced virtual violence, six out of ten experienced moral and psychological violence, and five out of ten suffered from institutional violence.

According to the survey conducted by the National Association of Transvestites and Transsexuals (ANTRA) [4] of the transgender candidates throughout Brazil in the 2020 elections, about 50% of them were direct victims of threats, including death threats, invasion of their private environment, work, and political spaces. In addition, 38% faced online attacks, and 12% endured direct physical violence. Additionally, as reported by the survey, virtual platforms were drenched in “transphobic insults, intimidation of the trans condition as incapacitating for political positions, transphobic racism, delegitimization of the gender identity of the victims, malicious comments related to the transition and physical attributes (…), dissemination of candidates’ degrading fake news and coordinated invasions of virtual campaign activities to hinder their progress, creating an unsafe environment and, in some cases, interruption due to virtual security issues.”

To contribute to the dissemination of denouncements taking place in Brazil, we spoke with Gisele Barbieri, Advocacy Coordinator of Terra de Diretos, and with an individual responsible for the coordination of the research cited.

R & I – In the report prepared by Terra de Direitos, the framework of political- electoral violence already presents data that indicates growth from 2016 to 2020. The data became even more frightening after the Bolsonaro election, from 2018 onwards. In last year’s elections we saw an expansive increase in hate crimes, with threats and attacks on networks, especially against trans and black women. Given the government’s refusal to see and combat these crimes, do you think it is possible to see an end to the political-electoral violence against women in Brazil? If so, in what way?

Gisele Barbieri – Political violence, as we demonstrated in the survey carried out by Terra de Direitos and Justiça Global in 2020, carries several messages to and from society. Against women, this phenomenon exposes racism, misogynism, among other types of violence. Therefore, envisioning an end to violence will only be possible when resistance is seen as a necessary means to consolidate democracy. In addition, it is a serious violation of human rights, since these women already act in the defense of human rights when they assume their mandates, and yet are targets of constant violence. The responsibility to combat this violence lies not only with the government, but with society at large. In addition to revealing how violence delegitimizes the political agency of women, the research also points out that this violence occurs systematically and not only during electoral periods, but among political parties throughout Brazil. Using these analyses, we evaluate that the end of political violence will only occur when this phenomenon is accompanied, studied, combated, and punished through coordinated actions between various sectors of the State as indicated by Terra de Diretos e Justiça Global’s recommendations.

R & I – Black and trans women are fighting for greater political representation and, in the last elections, we had a record number of trans and black women elected for city council. Even with the support of society, exercising the mandates has been an arduous task. According to the Terra de Direitos and Justiça Global report, women account for 31% of the victim threats. Could you comment about gender violence within the specificities of political violence against trans and black women? How does it differ from political violence directed at other groups?

GB – The research conducted by the Marielle Franco Institute with the support of Terra de Direitos and Justiça Global draws together elements of how racism, which is structural in our society, also poses itself as the vector of violence against black women and trans political agents. This phenomenon for these women is present before, during, and after elections. These message to black and transgender women comes in the form of constant insults and threats, aimed at the elimination and dehumanization of these women by means of attacks ranging from the animalization of these women, insults about their hair and appearance, and even explicit death threats. Racism is the thread of systemic racial violence and hatred can murder the lives of these women at any point. This discourse is in the efforts to fortify representation in the political system, even though black women already represent almost 30% of the Brazilian population.

R & I – In Brazil, we have the recent case of Carolina Iara, who suffered a physical attack, but even so, her request for protection was denied by the city for being a co-councilor, and she was told to hire private security. The lack of protection for Marielle Franco is also a neglected case point. Moreover, the Human Rights Defenders Program does not protect them. Even through filing complaints, there is no response from the State. How do we best protect these women? [5]

GB – The fact that this violence is not monitored by the State creates an institutional gap on this subject. There is an urgent need to draw up a specific protection policy plan for the denouncements and victims when dealing with this type of violence. The National Program of Human Rights Defenders cannot respond to this phenomenon because, although it is directed at human rights defenders, it does not have the mechanism to address this specific type of violence. In cases of political violence, removing candidates from their mandate position to protect them is to comply with the will of the criminals who want to prevent them from exercising their political rights. This violence directly interferes with the democratic process and constitutes a very serious violation of human rights.

Given our work of incidence in Latin America, Race and Equality notes that the current political violence is one of the main factors of human rights violations in the region. Brazil, being a key country in political terms, must position itself and present effective strategies for respecting the lives of its parliamentarians and combating political violence. Therefore, we present the following recommendations to the Brazilian State:

  1. Security guarantee for cis and trans black parliamentarians with the implementation of policies aimed at combating gendered political violence, empowering public security agencies and judiciary and legislation to promote actions at a national level to combat such violence;
  2. Creation of specific legislation to prevent cyber-crimes and the consequent dissemination of fake news that has been one of the pillars for attacks related to political violence;
  3. Ratification of the Inter-American Convention Against all forms of Discrimination and Intolerance in order to punish and combat racism, as well as structural and institutional LGBTIfobia;
  4. Implementation of the Inter-American Convention against Racism before the Brazilian legislation to assemble anti-racist public policies.

 

 

[1] https://noticias.uol.com.br/eleicoes/2020/10/03/stf-divisao-verba-candidaturas-negras.htm

[2] http://terradedireitos.org.br/violencia-politica-e-eleitoral-no-brasil/

[3] https://www.violenciapolitica.org/

[4] https://antrabrasil.files.wordpress.com/2021/01/dossie-trans-2021-29jan2021.pdf

[5] The interview took place before the recent case of councilwoman Benny Briolli

Race and Equality condemns the Jacarezinho Massacre

Brasil, May 07 2021 – The International Institute on Race, Equality, and Human Rights (Race and Equality) condemns and rejects the excessive use of police force that resulted in the massacre of 25 people in the favela of Jacarezinho, in Rio de Janeiro, on May 6, 2021. Houses were raided, residents were assaulted, and airstrikes terrorized the entire community. This police operation marks the largest death toll that Rio de Janeiro has experienced. For all the human rights violated, we urge for the accountability of Governor Claudio Castro, along with the military police involved in the operation.

The city is tied to several massacres where its citizens are not protected. Historic massacres include: 1993, Vigário Geral (21 dead) and Candelária (8 dead); 2017, Alemão (19 dead) and, 2021 Jacarezinho (25 dead). Citizens were shot at a train and subway station; there is no security policy that can be explained by the crossfire and close-range shooting. There is no anti- drug policy that justifies the lethality of those who live in vulnerable situations. According to the Security Observatory Network (Rede Observatório de Segurança), in the first quarter of 2021 alone, there were 257 police operations, with 69 deaths in Rio de Janeiro. This tragic number of deaths was even after the trial of “ADPF Favelas.” Within this trial, the Supreme Court (STF) held a public hearing to discuss the ADPF, Allegation of Violation of a Fundamental Precept (Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental) Case No. 635, known as “ADPF Favelas.” The aim of the debate was to collect information that supports a plan to reduce police lethality in the state of Rio, including banning police operations during the pandemic.[1]

Race and Equality calls on the international community to demand justice in the face of the violence of a state whose death policy has executed youth and children living in the community. We emphasize to international human rights organizations that in Brazil, people whom the state considers as “suspects,” are those historically subjected to violence because of their race and class. Historical and structural racism play a role in the current security policy, with the black population suffering the most from police violence and representing the majority of the country’s prison population. We also remember that Governor Claudio Castro, in addition to failing to comply with the decision of the Supreme Court, caused the death of children. In Rio de Janeiro alone, from January to June last year, 99 children and adolescents were killed by police officers, 27% in the capital and 73% in other municipalities.

Read: The world needs to see what is happening in Brazil

We offer our solidarity to the entire community of Jacarezinho and to the families of the victims in the face of barbarism. A state that accounts for 45,000 deaths by COVID-19 while conducting a truculent police operation is the same as saying that it does not value the lives of its citizens. What lives really matter in the face of a policy of death? We remind you that to combat organized crime, we need strategy, intelligence, monitoring and coordinated actions. Violence cannot be combated with more violence! Carlos Quesada, Executive Director of Race and Equality, expresses his outrage and declares that the police action that took place today has several names: barbarism, massacre, slaughter– all directed to black, poor and favela bodies. We demand answers from the Public Ministry and the Justice Department about this operation where, once again, we are witnessing black youth genocide in Brazil!

[1] “Why the Supreme Court Suspends Police Operations in Favelas of Rio de Janeiro,” Conectas Human Rights (2020). Available here: https://www.conectas.org/en/news/understand-what-led-the-supreme-court-to-suspend-police-operations-in-rio-de-janeiros-favelas

Public Hearing on Political Violence in Brazil: Black Parliamentarians (cis and trans) urge the IACHR for Protection and Denounce the Negligence of the Brazilian State

Brazil, april 06, 2021 – In a hearing exclusively dedicated to denouncing the absence of political rights in Brazil, black councilors (cis and trans) and civil society organizations presented before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR). The presentation consisted of the current scene of violations of civil and political rights that afflict the security of several parliamentarians in the country. The hearing took place on March 23, in the context of the 179th calendar of virtual hearings of the IACHR, it was filed by the organizations: The National Association of Travestis and Transexuals of Brazil (ANTRA); Criola; Terra de Direitos; Marielle Franco Institute; Justiça Global, Rede Nacional de Negras e Negros LGBT, and The Institute of Race and Equality.

The following participated in the hearing: Erika Hilton (PSOL/SP); Ana Lúcia Martins (PT/SC) and Carolina Iara (PSOL/SP); representatives of civil society organizations included: Anielle Franco, Executive Director of the Marielle Franco Institute; and Bruna Benevides, Secretary of Political Articulation at ANTRA. Despite the discriminatory historical context that structures the Brazilian political scene, progress in relation to identity, anti-racist and anti-LGBTIphobic issues promoted the growth of parliamentary representation in the country’s legislative houses, provoking the existing system of hierarchical powers. However, the reactions of conservatives in political and social sectors, based on a culture of hatred, further foment the phenomenon of political and electoral violence in the country.

Given this framework of systemic persecution, Anielle Franco opened the debate denouncing how political violence is used as a tool to deprive black and trans women from exercising their political rights, which as a result prevents discussions on gender, race, and sexuality inequalities from taking place in political and institutional spaces. Moreover, Anielle exposed data on political violence during the 2020 elections, one of the most violent elections in recent years, which proves the escalation of political tension against black and trans parliamentarians in the country.

According to a survey by the Marielle Franco Institute [1], 98.5% of black candidates reported having suffered at least one type of political violence. The main violence was virtual, representing 80% of the total attacks suffered. In addition, only 32% of the candidates denounced the experiences they suffered, and among the reasons for not making the complaint public is the fact that they do not feel safe or are afraid to report the violence. In addition to not having support from the political party nor the police, among those who condemned the attacks, 70% said that it did not bring more security,

“There is an urgent need to promote mechanisms to tackle all forms of violence against black, transgender and travestis women, and to reorient existing policies in Brazil that today are still insufficient to guarantee their protection and their political rights,” Anielle concluded.

Parliamentary member, Ana Lúcia Martins, reported that sought protection through legal means, in addition to denouncing the threats on social network platforms, she did not receive any assistance or security from the state nor from her party. She had to bear the costs for her defense. Faced with negligence from the institutions, Ana Lúcia reported that almost nothing happened regarding the investigation of death threats and racist violations suffered. She continues to be a victim of political violence on social networks with messages that incite hatred and intolerance.

Ana Lúcia spoke before the IACHR, “We know that the State’s omission has an origin, the same that ignores the daily death of the black population of this country, whether by urban violence, lack of public policies to eliminate inequalities, racism that structure these inequalities, or by the hands of the State itself (…) Anielle Franco’s question has not yet been answered: Who guarantees the safety of black women elected?”

 Co-councilwoman Carolina Iara, who suffered an attack in her home in January of this year, was direct in her questioning: “What is the connection between these threats towards trans parliamentarians and to the 175 trans women and travestis murdered in Brazil in 2020? What is the connection between Brazil’s high number of deaths of human rights defenders and the threats we are suffering? Who’s going to restore the trauma I have now? What kind of country is this where in addition to being silent, the president, in numerous statements, encourages LGBTIphobia?”

Alluding to the memory of Marielle Franco, Carolina pointed out that she will not be a martyr of this systemic violence that finds black and trans bodies in a necropolitical framework, further trivializing death in the country. Thus, she reiterated that the Brazilian State has an obligation to ensure that all black and trans leaders live safely to take part in politics. Additionally, the responsibility of their security cannot be exclusively left to civil society or the party.

In her speech, Councilwoman Erika Hilton denounced the persecution of human rights defenders and the women elected as an attempt at silence. As councilwoman she recalled a threatening experience of an attempted break-in to her office, as well as the university where she studied the walls were vandalized, “with spray-painted expressions: woman, black, elected, dead. I started my mandate having to prosecute more than 50 people for racist and transphobic attacks. How can I carry out political functions without being guaranteed physical integrity?” she questioned.

With the task of reporting the recommendations to the IACHR, Bruna Benevides further exposed the situation of political violence, especially the negligence of the Ministry of Women, Family and Human Rights, which made no statement, action or mobilization around political violence against cis and trans black women. As an example, Bruna cited the bill [2] that aims to protect victims of political violence, but through the transphobic movement of parliamentarians aligned with the fallacious narrative of “gender ideology,” it prevented the extension of protection to trans and travestis parliamentarians.

Bruna reported, “We have also observed several attempts to institutionalize transphobia by assigning biological criteria for access to and guarantee of fundamental rights, denying the right to the recognition of self-declaration and gender identity of trans people in various projects at the federal, state and municipal level. This disregard is corroborated by the negligence and omission of the State in recognizing these political acts of violence, especially against those who do not make up the government base and who are the most affected by political violence.”

Brazilian State representatives sought to escape the complaints with insufficient responses to the demands requested during the hearing, reaffirming a negationist position in relation to racial, transphobic, and political violence that harm political rights and the lives of parliamentarians. Through evasive arguments, representatives avoided and minimized the phenomenon of political violence in the country, attributing the facts to a world context.

In reference to the complaints, the IACHR Commissioners requested explanations from the State. Margarette May Macaulay, Rapporteur on the Rights of People of African Descent and against Racial Discrimination and Rapporteur on the Rights of Women, argued how the Brazilian State monitors cases of violence in the country, moreover she criticized the implementation in law of the Inter-American Convention against Racism, which was already approved by the Federal Senate.

In addition, Joel Hernández, Rapporteur for Brazil, concluded the hearing by emphasizing the importance of advancing women’s political rights and highlighting the State’s rejection in hearing allegations concerning political violence. In addition, Hernández stressed the necessity in observing the ways that virtual harassment operates in order to understand the exercise of political rights in Brazil.

In accordance with complaints cited during the hearing and aimed at guaranteeing the rights and protection of women who are part of the political body of the country, the following recommendations were delivered to the IACHR:

  • Instigate the Brazilian State to be in development with the legislative chambers, as well as in dialogue with the city council members and organs of the justice system. Create mechanisms for referrals and prompt treatment of allegations of political violence against black women- cis and trans/travestis, ensuring identification and accountability of perpetrators of violence and providing psychological support to victims, their advisors and family members;
  • Urge the Brazilian State to promote coordinated and integrated actions with specialized cyber-crime investigation police departments to hold perpetrators accountable and inhibit the use of online tools and platforms for attacks of political violence, in particular when driven by mass and deliberately sponsored professional structures;
  • Prompt the Brazilian State to guarantee the training of judiciary members, the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the Public Defender’s Office, the Law Office, and the civil and federal police to increase their awareness of political violence against black women, trans and travestis, racial and gender discrimination, hate speech, and create anti-racist legislation, victims’ rights, redress measures, among other topics;
  • Promote public hearings, debates and inter-sectoral discussions between public bodies and society on the impacts of political violence motivated by transphobia and issues related to the trans population;
  • Urge the Brazilian State to advance in its adoption of specific legislation on political violence against women with actions that include preventing, restraining and punishing this type of violence, with a specific look at black women, travestis and transexual peoples;
  • Carry out political tasks by listening to social movements and local civil society organizations to learn more about the current context of violations of the rights of black women, transexuals and travestis who are candidates and elected human rights defenders, with worsening situations of conflict. As well as present the perspectives of international standards that can contribute to the improvement of national protection policies;
  • Place pressure on the Brazilian State to expand the structure and budget of the program for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders under the Ministry of Women, Family and Human Rights, and the inclusion of candidates and parliamentarians in this program, in order to ensure the protection of human rights defenders and their free exercise of political rights;

 

Missed the public hearing? Watch the full video here: youtu.be/Uu-U3OIoh2I

[1] https://www.violenciapolitica.org/

[2]https://g1.globo.com/politica/noticia/2020/12/10/camara-aprova-lei-com-medidas-de-combate-a-violencia-politica-contra-mulheres.ghtml

Race and Equality celebrates Brazil’s ratification of the Inter-American Convention against Racism

Brazil, February 19th, 2021 – The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) congratulates the Brazilian State for its ratification  of the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance [1], originally signed by the member countries of the Organization of American States (OAS) in Guatemala in 2013 [2]. The Brazilian Senate’s ratification of the Convention marks a major achievement for the Afro-Brazilian movement, which has fought for the adoption and strengthening of the Convention for over 20 years. In signing and ratifying the convention, Brazil has committed to fighting intolerance and racism, presenting an opportunity to break with the racism ingrained in Brazilian society.

With its ratification, the Convention gains the status of a constitutional amendment in Brazil, allowing laws which go against its statutes to be challenged in court. These potential challenges represent a new path for anti-racist discourse and activism in the country. Aligning domestic legislation with human rights standards is of paramount importance in the fight to end, prevent, and punish racism and discrimination. It is noteworthy that in Article 5, Subsection 42, the Brazilian Constitution makes the crime of racism ineligible for bail and exempt from a statute of limitations. In Article 3, Subsection 4, the Constitution rejects prejudice and other forms of discrimination.

Lúcia Xavier, General Coordinator of the Brazilian organization Criola, welcomes Brazil’s ratification of the Convention, telling Race and Equality that the Convention now represents a fundamental instrument for promoting the rights of Afro-Brazilians, especially Afro-Brazilian women, amidst attacks on human rights and the continuing effects of COVID-19 in Brazil. “While conservative governments are advancing against rights, the Convention will mean having more instruments for human rights and  strengthening the regional human rights system itself. It will be a fundamental political instrument going forward to confront racism in Brazil and in the region,” she remarked.

“Now that it has been ratified by Brazil and consolidated in our legislation, the Convention reinforces the effort that the Afro-descendant and Afro women’s movements have been making for years to definitively eradicate racism – especially institutionalized racism, that which does not consist of laws, rules, or policies, but is implemented by the State in all its instances, every day. So, the possibility of having this instrument against the conservative attacks that the current Brazilian government is making on the Black population is very good,” Lúcia Xavier, General Coordinator, Criola. 

Carlos Quesada, Executive Director of Race and Equality, commented that in Brazil, there are many forms of racism which are hidden at first glance, but can be found in the high levels of violence facing the Black population and in unequal access to the labor market, housing, health, and education. “Given the historical circumstances of Brazil, starting with the fact that Brazil is the country with the most Afro-descendant people outside Africa and a country whose Black population faces serious discrimination and the erasure of their human rights, the ratification of this agreement opens more possibilities for tackling and undoing structural racism”, explained. 

In Brazil, structural and systematic racism is evident in the statistics regarding incarceration, poverty, and suicide among Afro-Brazilians. These outcomes reveal institutional racism throughout social and legal structures, including many public institutions that are historically rooted in efforts to maintain privileges through exclusion and marginalization. The Convention will allow activists to challenge these structures and pursue democratization of rights through public policies oriented towards social justice.

Lívia Casseres, a lawyer with the Public Defender’s Office of the State of Rio de Janeiro, was a leader in the effort to ratify the Convention. She recalls that Brazil played a leading role in urging other OAS members to draft and sign the Convention. She believes that this leadership is a testament to the work of the Afro-Brazilian movement. “It’s a Convention that attacks indirect discrimination and provides for the prohibition of public policies with discriminatory impacts,” she explained.

“We have for the first time a legal document with the capacity to face the complexity of the phenomenon of racism. It is a great advance, because it is a Convention that has much more sophisticated and refined legal elements, capable of accounting for the complexities of racism that we were unable to fully address with the legal framework that existed before ratification.” Lívia Casseres, Public Defender of the State of Rio de Janeiro.

With the Convention now ratified, Race and Equality emphasizes that the implementation of the Convention must take place in consultation with civil society. Article 15, Paragraphs 4 and 5 of the Convention call for each State Party to appoint an independent expert tasked with monitoring the commitments made in the Convention. In addition, a committee should be created to exchange ideas and review the progress made by State Parties in their implementation [3]. Consultations with civil society are an opportunity for the State to dialogue with different sectors of society, especially with the Afro-Brazilian population, so that the challenges in the fight against racism can be addressed.

Faced with this conjuncture of new possibilities to combat racism, Race and Equality celebrates the work of the Afro-Brazilian movement in the struggle for the approval and ratification of the Convention. We are committed to strengthening this movement and contributing to the anti-racism and human rights struggles of Afro-Brazilians. We recognize the great importance of this agreement for repaying the social debt owed to Afro-Brazilians and for improving the lives of Afro-descendants facing great vulnerability across the country. We recommend that the State of Brazil:

1 – Implement the articles of the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance in consultation with different sectors of civil society, especially in dialogue with Afro-Brazilian movement;

2 – Formulate a plan so that the legislative, executive, and judicial branches can each implement actions for immediate compliance with the Convention;

3 – Create public policies that punish racist acts and repair structural racism with a view to promoting equality and affirmative action in the areas of ​​health, work, well-being, education, and political participation.

 

[1] https://g1.globo.com/politica/noticia/2021/02/10/senado-aprova-projeto-que-ratifica-texto-da-convencao-interamericana-erca-o-racismo.ghtml

[2] and [3] https://www.cut.org.br/system/uploads/ck/files/interamericantreatiesA-68ConvencaoInteramericanaracismoPOR.pdf

 

 

Race and Equality publishes the dossier “What is the color of the invisible? The human rights situation of the Afro-LGBTI population in Brazil” in English

The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) is pleased to announce that the English version of the dossier “What is the color of the invisible? The human rights situation of the Afro-LGBTI population in Brazil” is now available on the organization’s website. Originally launched in Brazil in November 2020, the report documents human rights violations against the Brazilian Afro-LGBTI population, highlights a lack of official data on this crucial subject, and calls on Brazilian society to recognize the communities’ particular struggles and demands. The dossier features a preface written by the UN Independent Expert on Sexual Orietation and Gender Identity (IE-SOGI), Victor Madrigal-Borloz.

About the dossier:

In response to constant reports of human rights violations against Afro-LGBTI Brazilians and to a lack of data about their situation, Race and Equality conducted a thorough investigation, meeting with civil society organizations and focus groups to discuss the systematic injustices plaguing this community. The dossier includes chapters on the murders of LGBTI people, access to justice, police violence, access to health, access to education, and access to work. The dossier demonstrates that structural racism in Brazil leads to public discussions of LGBTI rights that neglect the issues of race and racism, rendering the Afro-LGBTI population invisible. As a result, systematic racism continues to produce inequalities and harm Afro-LGBTI Brazilians’ chances for a decent and dignified life.

Isaac Porto, author of the report, highlights the urgent need to incorporate race into Brazil’s dialogue on LGBTI rights. In Brazil, the national myth of “racial democracy,” which presents white Brazilians’ perspectives and values as universal, has resulted in Afro-Brazilians being silenced and marginalized in all spheres, including the LGBTI community. Porto points out that the disparities between white and Afro-Brazilian LGBTI people’s experiences become even more stark when examining the experiences of trans Brazilians. According to Porto,

“It is clear that Afro-LGBTI people are the population most impacted by murder in Brazil, are the hardest-hit by police violence, and face the greatest difficulties in accessing justice, health, education, and work. It is essential to strengthen Brazilian organizations and activists so that they can raise awareness about the human rights situation of LGBTI Brazilians and about their own work to combat the myriad and perverse violations of their rights.”

Based on the findings of Race and Equality’s research, including extensive feedback from LGBTI civil society organization, the dossier concludes with a series of recommendations for the Brazilian State, international human rights organizations, civil society, and government agencies. Among them are highlighted:

1 – Ratification of the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance and ratification of the Inter-American Convention Against All Forms of Discrimination and Intolerance.

2 – The creation of a concrete plan to combat LGBTI-phobic violence in Brazil, including an intersectional approach that will combat the racist and LGBTI-phobic violence against Afro-Brazilians.

3 – Initiatives from the Ministry of Labor to combat discrimination against Afro-LGBTI workers in hiring, promotion, pay, and working conditions.

4 – Commitments from all relevant stakeholders to support civil society organizations as they work to document the murders of LGBTI people, assurances that these organizations will not face unnecessary bureaucratic obstacles, and respect for their work from the government.

Download the dossier in English: Link

View a recording of the dossier’s launch, featuring speakers from Brazilian civil society: http://bit.ly/350lGF5

 

Lesbian Resistance Collective creates project to map the socio-cultural situation and emotional state of lesbian and bisexual women in Rio’s Maré Favela Complex

In hopes of presenting the daily experiences of lesbian and bisexual women from the slums, specifically those who live in the Maré Favela Complex in Rio de Janeiro, the Lesbian Resistance Collective of Maré created a project to map the socio-cultural and emotional situation of lesbian and bisexual women.  The project was organized by Beatriz Adura Martins and Dayana Gusmão (Read: https://bit.ly/2TDB5ES), and the research was carried out in partnership with the Institute of Psychology at the Federal Fluminense University (UFF) between November 2019 and June 2020. The mapping project is available for download on the Metanoia Editora website, run by lesbian women Léa Carvalho and Malu Santos. [1]

Their experiences were shared within Espaço Casulo, or Cocoon Space in English, where the therapeutic group took place, as well as in other social spaces used by the collective, allowing the mapping to take place alongside this region’s residents, rather than somewhere distant from their everyday realities. Before the research began, the psychology students leading it first learned about the situations that permeate lesbian and bisexual experiences within the favelas by exploring the realities of the Maré Favela Complex in person. From this exploration, fundamental questions were born that now form the mapping project.

The document aims to register and denounce the scarcity of information on lesbian favela experiences, particularly non-violent ones, seeing as hegemonic representations of favelas remit the violence and abandonment of public power. “Generally, these surveys only deal with middle-class lesbian women and/or those ‘on track,’ and the reality of lesbians in the favelas ends up being ignored. For this reason, the idea of ​​the mapping project is to affirm these existences in Maré and not to tell them how they should be,” explains Beatriz Adura [2]. Thus, she presents the question: how can numbers and surveying serve to chart subjective experiences?

Based on these reflections, the organizers affirm that this is pioneer research, as they know of no other socio-cultural and emotional mapping of lesbians and bisexuals within Brazilian favelas. With this, they hope to extend the discussion to many other mapping projects about these women’s realities across the country. The organizers emphasize that the plurality of “lesbianalities” needs to be made visible, as research reflects that, even in Maré, there are unique differences between their realities and those of other women. As  outlined in their objectives, the mapping intends to influence the construction of public policies that consider the specific lived experiences of lesbian and bisexual women from these communities, as well as to open debate and produce conviviality that contributes to the elimination of social marginalization that lesbians face in the Maré favelas.

Eight out of the 16 total favelas within the complex were included in the mapping project. The 40-question long questionnaire obtained a total of 59 respondents who answered questions about race, housing, maternity, religion, basic sanitation, and family relationships, among others. Having a majority of university student respondents, the project highlights the importance of community college entrance exams in Maré.  Looking at questions related to gender, researchers noted that these questions are more advanced academic questions. Gender is not a common topic that is considered in the daily lives of these women, so much so that 20% chose not to answer these questions and three designated themselves as non-binary.

Regarding race, 70% declared themselves to be non-white, a fact that the organizers see as vital to creating public policies that contemplate the reality of the favelas, as, generally, these surveys focus on the perspectives of white and middle-class lesbian women. More specifically, 47.5% declared themselves Black; 28.8%, white; 20.3%, brown; 3.4%, Indigenous; and no person claimed to be Asian. “We draw attention to the importance of specific surveys on methods of favela sociability that often do not appear in the statistics of generic surveys, always leaving the favela population destined to talk about their problems and violence. Lesbians living in the favelas of Maré exist and are mostly Black, brown, and Indigenous, representing 71.2% of this population,” the report indicates.

In regard to violence, the interviewees said they felt safer and more comfortable within the favela to express their sexuality, as they have already suffered attacks outside of it. With this, the research reveals that domestic violence is something that characterizes the daily life of lesbians in Maré. Many of them have already been referred by family members to some sort of conversion therapy [3] based on religious practices.  In this sense, this data reflects how the advancement of the conservative agenda and the growth of neo-Pentecostal churches in the region influence the situation of violence and the denial of lesbian existence. For these women, psychological violence represents twice as much oppression as physical violence, resulting in 70% of them declaring that they have no religion.

Given this scenario, the organizers explain that uniting the of lesbians in Maré was important for the construction of research, however, this was only the first stage. At the moment, the Lesbian Resistance Collective of Maré is looking for sponsorship for the second phase of the mapping project in order to cover more favelas throughout the complex. Few financial resources, the lack of technological material and even the difficulty in access to internet, made the project difficult to complete, not mention the COVID-19 pandemic that delayed the end of their research.

“Police violence was another factor that made research difficult. At various times when we were able to mobilize women to answer the questionnaire, police operations were taking place. Militarization only caused damage. For this reason, this research is done from a perspective of demilitarization of the favela and people’s lives. It is necessary to create a territory of care, of life production and not of control,” says Dayana Gusmão. [4]

The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human rights congratulates all involved in the elaboration of the dossier and supports all research that affirms the favela as a place of knowledge production. In this sense, we recommend that the Brazilian State:

1 – Create public policies that contemplate the diversity and intersectionality of lesbian women from slums;

2 – Undertake policies that aim to demilitarize slums, not only during the pandemic, but as a continual local policy;

3 – Implement the IACHR’s recommendations from its report on Violence against LGBTI people (2015) regarding actions to analyze and assess the prevalence of violence against lesbian and bisexual women: adopt specific measures to prevent and investigate this type of violence with a differential approach that considers power relations at the intersection of sex, gender, sexual orientation and gender expression [4]

 

[1] Access the mapping project: https://bit.ly/2TDB5ES

[2] Speeches presented during the launch of mapping project on YouTube at the Maré Museum, which took place on October 17th.

[3] Access the report on Conversion Therapies by the UN IESOGI, Victor Madrigal-Borloz: https://undocs.org/A/HRC/44/53

[4] IACHR. Violence against LGBTI people. 2015, p. 311, par. 69. Available at: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/reports/pdfs/violencelgbtipersons.pdf

Black Lives Matter: The Call for Racial Democracy Resounds in Brazil

After the brutal murder of George Floyd by U.S. police, a wave of protests has called for all of society to descend into the streets in order to fight for the eradication of systemic racism. In a world affected by the fragmentation of political and institutional powers and in the midst of disorder worsened by the COVID-19 pandemic, which launched a global healthcare crisis, the veil of racism that sustains privilege and forms of neocolonial capitalist exploitation has been pulled back. In the face of such a scene, antiracist reactions have flared up in various countries. In Brazil, a country that daily relives the trauma of colonial racism, the call for racial democracy resounds throughout the Black population.

It is important for us to emphasize that, due to different contexts of colonialization and to the racial policies adopted in their respective histories, any analysis seeking to compare the reactions of the Brazilian and U.S. populations to the George Floyd case confirms once more strategies of oppression within politics of domination. In this hierarchical global system, the United States functions as a reference point for comparisons between the two countries and depicts yet another expression of symbolic violence.

Yet racism is the common denominator in this structure of oppression. It is the connection which summons the descendants of the Black Diaspora in every corner of the world through the motto “Black Lives Matter.” Capitalism’s failure has put so-called democratic regimes in check since a democracy which maintains itself through a necropolitical system that eliminates Black, indigenous, and other non-white bodies cannot be considered as the power of the people per its etymological meaning. Upon being normalized as a form of social organization in Brazil, racism has a great effect daily in the death and the exclusion of Black people and in their access to human rights.

Consequently, any supposition that the fight to end racism in Brazil gained momentum with the current North American demonstrations is to be ignorant of its history. In the 1930’s, the Frente Negra Brasileira (FNB, Black Brazilian Front) [1] strove for equality throughout society but was eradicated during the Vargas dictatorship. Since the 70’s, the Movimento Negro Unificado (MNU, Unified Black Movement) [2] has been combatting all forms of racial discrimination. These movements do not include the armed revolts and creation of quilombos since the days of slavery. During abolition, partnerships between Black communities confirmed their agency and anti-racist political organization.

With the assassination of City Councilwoman Marielle Franco [3], protests against racism erupted in Brazil. Thousands took to the streets to seek justice for Marielle and for all she represented: Black Brazil’s resistance struggle. Her cowardly assassination unveiled the structural and institutional racism enrooted in Brazilian society, as a political strategy of domination that sheds the blood of thousands of Black families. And yet, in Brazil, it is still necessary to prove that racism exists, murders, and incarcerates the black population on a systemic level.

This year the COVID-19 pandemic ignited the social inequalities which manifest in racist ways. At a time when the global population is called to practice social distancing, in Brazil, staying home to protect oneself from coronavirus is a privilege reserved for a small sector of society that is obviously white. Ironically, the choking of George Floyd acts as a metaphor in times of COVID-19 in which the poor and Black population dies the most because of the virus’ fatal respiratory consequences. In that sense, the memory of captivity is made present once more in Black bodies that, upon stepping into the streets every day to go to work, are turned over to the invisible hands of the disease which hangs in the air.

Seeing as how the country will not shutdown, the racist government policy has intensified in face of the virus through the arbitrary use of police violence. Military police operations, with the authorization of the Rio de Janeiro state government, have continued to take place including the killing of 14-year-old João Pedro in the city of São Gonçalo [4]. Due to the publicity the case has gained in society, the Federal Supreme Court had to ban the continuation of police operations in communities during the social distancing period [5]. Taking into consideration from a racial perspective that the police who engage in favela confrontations are mostly Black and are residents of the community, the weight of racist violence reveals that the Brazilian police kill the most but also die the most [6].

In the midst of all this, the significance of George Floyd’s and João Pedro’s deaths resulted in a wave of solidarity and anti-racist struggle that called on white supremacy to take an anti-racist stance. Thus, antifascist movements have joined the anti-racist struggle through the call of Antifa sports organizations. Protesters took to the streets to condemn the genocide of Black people and to demand full democracy [7]. With acts under the banner of Black Lives Matter occurring throughout the country, the hegemonic media, dominated by the Brazilian elite, has not been able to avoid the topic of racism because protests are happening on a global scale and not just in Brazil [8]. Large television networks invited Black journalists and researchers on for the first time to discuss the magnitude and consequences of racism in the world and in Brazil.

Therefore, the anti-racist movement is strategically intensifying and with the help of a manifesto, published in print newspapers with a large readership as well as electronically, that calls on all of the Brazilian population and its institutions to sign and commit to a democratic program that aims to eradicate current racist practices in Brazilian society [9]. “With Racism There Is No Democracy”, the manifesto released by the Coalizão Negra (Black Coalition), which brings together members of the Black movement from around the country among other civil society organizations.

If the suffocating effects of the pandemic outbreak are able to snuff out violence opening the way for a possible racial revolution, then taking to the streets will not have been in vain. The lives of João Pedro, George Floyd, along with the more than 450,000 Coronavirus deaths globally, should be honored through struggle and resistance so that in the future we can rewrite history exalting Blackness through its powerful figures.

In this vein, Race and Equality supports the antiracist and antifascist demonstrations occurring in Brazil and throughout the world and recommends that the Brazilian state support the Black population in the following ways:

  • Implement a democratic governing proposal that guarantees the eradication of structural and institutional racist practices;
  • Ensure full access to the public health system;
  • Ratify the Inter-American Convention Against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance [10];
  • Ratify the Inter-American Convention Against All Forms of Discrimination and Intolerance [11];
  • Create antimilitarist strategies in the fight against crime within communities;
  • Adopt public policies with an intersectional perspective that takes into consideration the special characteristics of the oppression that Black people face.

[1] https://www.geledes.org.br/frente-negra-brasileira-2/

[2] https://www.geledes.org.br/movimento-negro-unificado-miltao/

[3] https://theintercept.com/series/caso-marielle-franco/

[4] https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/geral-52731882

[5]https://radioagencianacional.ebc.com.br/justica/audio/2020-06/stf-proibe-operacoes-policiais-em-favelas-do-rio-durante-pandemia

[6] https://jus.com.br/artigos/74146/policia-brasileira-a-que-mais-mata-e-a-que-mais-morre

[7] e [8] https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2020-06-06/vidas-negras-importam-chacoalha-parcela-de-brasileiros-entorpecida-pela-rotina-de-violencia-racista.html

[9] https://comracismonaohademocracia.org.br/

[10] http://www.oas.org/es/sla/ddi/tratados_multilaterales_interamericanos_A-68_racismo.asp

[11] http://www.oas.org/es/sla/ddi/tratados_multilaterales_interamericanos_A-69_discriminacion_intolerancia.asp

The case of George Floyd: an expression of structural racism

The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race & Equality) expresses our outrage at the killing of George Floyd, recognizing that he was killed by racism and police violence. His death, which thousands of people in the United States and across the world are protesting, is the consequence of structural and institutionalized racism. This racism perpetuates poverty, violence, discrimination and other systematic violations of African Americans’ fundamental rights.

Despite efforts to deny the extent of racism in the US, George Floyd’s death cannot be understood without reference to these patterns of discrimination and violence, particularly the persistence of police violence against African Americans. Race & Equality is united with the individuals and organizations who are responding to the deaths of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and countless others by proclaiming that Black Lives Matter and exercising their right to protest and freedom of expression to demand change.

We are concerned by the response of the US government to protests across the country, with thousands of protestors being repressed by police forces and the National Guard. The use of military vehicles and weapons to intimidate the population and impede the exercise of their rights in unacceptable. As a result of these tactics, which are encouraged by national leaders including President Donald Trump, people have suffered injuries, permanent harms such as the loss of eyes and even death during the last week of protests.

The case of George Floyd makes clear that the scourges of discrimination and racism, if left unaddressed, will lead to violent ruptures in our social, political, economic and cultural lives, making it impossible for us to build just, equitable and peaceful societies.

Today, we commit to speaking out so that Black Lives can be acknowledged, valued and respected. We demand that states change their policing practices, eliminate racial profiling and dialogue with Black organizations and communities to find solutions to this crisis.

The mistreatment and killings of Black people in the US has been facilitated by onlookers’ silence in the face of injustice and violence. This silence also extends to the institutions of justice, which have consistently failed to try, condemn and sanction those who take and threaten Black lives. We demand that those responsible for the killing of George Floyd be brought to justice and that the cycle of impunity in crimes against African Americans be broken.

Finally, we urge States and international organizations to redouble their efforts in the fight against racism, adopting all necessary measures to eradicate discrimination in all its forms. Only by eliminating racist doctrines and practices can the ideals of peace and justice flourish.

The struggles of being Transgender and Afro-descendant in Colombia

The Trans Support and Action Group Foundation (GAAT, for its initials in Spanish), in partnership with ICASO, carried out the event “Transcending Barriers: Rights and full citizenship for people with experience of trans life” from the 16th to the 19th of September 2019. This event was attended by trans activists from eleven different regions of Colombia that met in Bogotá to discuss how their human rights are being guaranteed, what are the barriers they struggle with to access services, and how to create some strategies to overcome these challenges.

The event was also attended by five Afro-descendant activists with diverse sexual orientations and gender identities -four trans women and a non-binary person- from the departments of Tolima, Valle del Cauca, Atlántico, Chocó and the municipality of Montes de María; who addressed their reflections from the experiences that frame their reality as Afro-trans people living in Colombia.

Among the comments highlighted by the activists was the latent discrimination they live with in their territories, generated by barriers to access to different rights such as health, education, and work.

“… the Constitutional Court ruled that trans people who wanted legal recognition of their gender identity in their EPS could do it, and this issue is still a complication in the territory…” Afro-trans Chocó activist.

“… In hospitals as elsewhere, there is not yet a focus on differential care for trans men and trans women. So, that makes (going to) the doctor a complete torture, […] the treatments that one can already follow, but then they give you a lot of obstacles and paperwork, and in such a way that finally you get tired and don’t go to receive your hormones, or go to the doctor at all… ” Afro trans non-binary activist from Valle del Cauca.

The activists also denounced teachers and classmates who use strong dynamics of discrimination in educational spaces; in addition, they stated that there are policies that deny the gender identity of diverse people, because authorities refuse to issue official documents with the identifying names of those people.

Regarding the guarantees of access to work, the leaders expressed that there are no labor inclusion policies for trans people, therefore, they are not even interviewed for the positions they aspire to have, or there are more requirements imposed on them – such as the completion of multiple courses – to delay their applications.

“… Work for transgender people in my municipality is very scarce. It is something sad, because there we talk about labor inclusion [but] a trans girl […] just for having her male name on her ID, is called by her masculine name, not by her identifying name […] When [whoever is in charge of the job interview] enters, [says] ‘what a shame, the interview cannot be done because you appear under another name’.” Afro trans activist from Montes de María.

“Our race is also a cause of violence and a factor that generates new dynamics of discrimination and marginality,” said one of the Afro-trans activists, referring to the differentiated violence that Afro-descendant women face in comparison to the rest of the population classified as “mestizo white.” Accordingly, the leaders referred to a social and state discourse that denies the existence of racism and systems of structural discrimination by pointing out that racism has diminished or does not exist. This creates an invisibility of their identities in official statistics.

“… In the prosecutor’s office or in any other entity, they do not take the time to ask one how one identifies oneself […] I realized this through a process that I took to the prosecutor’s office […] I had the right to say that I am an Afro-descendant trans person. I went to the official, I approached and told him. [He replied:] ‘But you have to understand that everyone is recognized as white or mestizo. There is no Afro.’” Afro trans activist from Montes de María

Structural racism is also illustrated by the stratification of the territories, where Afro people inhabit the poorest areas, and those who have a better standard of living do so through a lot of work or association with mestizo white people. Because of this situation, there is a lack of the guarantee of rights in places predominantly inhabited by Afro people. In turn, this barrier is accentuated when Afro people also have diverse sexual orientations or gender identities because their violence becomes more complex.

“We could say that you have to take sides, or defend yourself as an afro person, or defend yourself as a diverse person, but not both, impossible, that would be death”. Afro trans activist from the Caribbean.

Systematic forms of psychological violence and discrimination in the territories are other situations that, according to the stories told by the leaders, violate the integrity and rights of Afro-trans people. “Generally, the first thing that is affected is self-esteem, because to understand that they begin to look at you first, to judge you without even knowing you, sometimes simply because of your skin color, that is brutal. And the other thing is that […] you have your hair and you have your afro, and they come to want to touch your hair without asking, that is already violent because they are invading your space and they don’t even ask,” details non-binary Afro trans leader from Valle del Cauca.

Finally, within their own family, or even in spaces shared with LGBTI people, their ideas are not validated by their peers in the same way as the ideas of their white mestizo companions and counterparts.

“If you are black, it is a proposal, but if you are white, the proposal is validated.” GAAT Executive Director.

Given the various structural problems that undermine and deepen the circles of poverty, racism, discrimination, and marginalization of Afro people with diverse sexual identities and orientations, activists pointed out the importance of creating spaces in the territories that reinforce the ideas of family building, outside the “traditional-conventional” biological form that reduces the construction of the family bond to the consanguinity traits of family members. In addition, they proposed the creation of policies for access to health, work and education for trans people.

At the same time, they pointed out that the State institutions require pedagogies and trainings regarding the Afro-trans issues with a territorial focus. “These activities must be directed by people who are empathic with the issue in order to create much deeper discussions and lessons,” stressed the activists. They also said that it is important that there is greater empowerment of new Afro-trans leaderships, and pointed out relevant ways that social organizations should strive to create greater spaces of inclusion for Afro people who understand first-hand the specific complexity of their daily lives in the territories.

The Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) was invited by GAAT to hold a short workshop during the afternoon of September 16th. This invitation was motivated by the need found by the executive direction of the organization to incorporate the relationship and intersection of gender identity with ethnic-racial belonging into the agendas, activisms, and work with communities. The workshop was composed of a brief reference to the existence and activities carried out by the Afro-LGBTI Network of Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as a series of findings from documentary reviews made by the member organizations of the Network. Thus, we deepened the need for the incorporation of intersectional approaches in trans activism, referring to situations in which structural racism, together with the dynamics of prejudice against LGBTI people, increase the vulnerability of people who find themselves mostly in contexts of poverty and without protection from the State.

At Race and Equality, we celebrate the completion of these types of conferences in which our counterparts can establish working relationships, as well as expand their relationships, with activisms that work tirelessly for the defense of transgender rights.  . We also highlight the growing interest and commitment in the visibility and social and political impact of the rights situation for Afro-LGBTI people. We believe that this type of interaction is essential for new human rights activists and organizations present in the different regions of Colombia to start creating intersectional analysis efforts from their own agendas.

Nicaraguan human rights defenders will talk in Geneva about the evolution of the crisis in their country

Seven months after the current human rights crisis started in Nicaragua as a result of the government’s repression of peaceful protests, a group of human right defenders will hold a public conversation in Geneva on November 28th with the aim of making visible the consequences and permanence of the crisis. The crisis continues now with the prohibition of civic demonstrations and the prosecution of hundreds of protestants, students and activists who have been arrested for participating in protests and are being subjected to trials in which the guarantees of due process are disregarded.

In the conversation, organized by the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality), the human rights defenders will describe their own experiences during the crisis and the risks they face in their daily work.

Special emphasis will be placed on the situation of injustice and defenselessness faced by populations that traditionally experience discrimination, such as women, indigenous persons, Afro-descendants and the LGBTI community. These groups have been repressed for defending democracy and demanding justice and respect for human rights.

The human right defenders will also refer to the situation faced by hundreds of political prisoners, who have reported torture and ill treatment in prisons and detention centers. According to the Nicaraguan Center for Human Rights (CENIDH, for its initials in Spanish), of the 602 citizens imprisoned as of November 14th for participating in the protests, 563 are men and 50 women, of which 4 are transgender women.

The image of “normality” that the Nicaraguan government intends to establish both nationally and internationally contrasts diametrically with the vision that human rights defenders will provide that day, which is that in Nicaragua “nothing is normal”, since the violations of human rights committed by the Nicaraguan authorities are systematic and remain unpunished.

Nicaragua will be evaluated by the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2019. This review will offer human rights defenders, civil society organizations, and the international community an important opportunity to peacefully influence the crisis that today overwhelms the Nicaraguan people.

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