Race and Equality publishes the dossier “What is the color of the invisible? The human rights situation of the Afro-LGBTI population in Brazil” in English

Race and Equality publishes the dossier “What is the color of the invisible? The human rights situation of the Afro-LGBTI population in Brazil” in English

The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) is pleased to announce that the English version of the dossier “What is the color of the invisible? The human rights situation of the Afro-LGBTI population in Brazil” is now available on the organization’s website. Originally launched in Brazil in November 2020, the report documents human rights violations against the Brazilian Afro-LGBTI population, highlights a lack of official data on this crucial subject, and calls on Brazilian society to recognize the communities’ particular struggles and demands. The dossier features a preface written by the UN Independent Expert on Sexual Orietation and Gender Identity (IE-SOGI), Victor Madrigal-Borloz.

About the dossier:

In response to constant reports of human rights violations against Afro-LGBTI Brazilians and to a lack of data about their situation, Race and Equality conducted a thorough investigation, meeting with civil society organizations and focus groups to discuss the systematic injustices plaguing this community. The dossier includes chapters on the murders of LGBTI people, access to justice, police violence, access to health, access to education, and access to work. The dossier demonstrates that structural racism in Brazil leads to public discussions of LGBTI rights that neglect the issues of race and racism, rendering the Afro-LGBTI population invisible. As a result, systematic racism continues to produce inequalities and harm Afro-LGBTI Brazilians’ chances for a decent and dignified life.

Isaac Porto, author of the report, highlights the urgent need to incorporate race into Brazil’s dialogue on LGBTI rights. In Brazil, the national myth of “racial democracy,” which presents white Brazilians’ perspectives and values as universal, has resulted in Afro-Brazilians being silenced and marginalized in all spheres, including the LGBTI community. Porto points out that the disparities between white and Afro-Brazilian LGBTI people’s experiences become even more stark when examining the experiences of trans Brazilians. According to Porto,

“It is clear that Afro-LGBTI people are the population most impacted by murder in Brazil, are the hardest-hit by police violence, and face the greatest difficulties in accessing justice, health, education, and work. It is essential to strengthen Brazilian organizations and activists so that they can raise awareness about the human rights situation of LGBTI Brazilians and about their own work to combat the myriad and perverse violations of their rights.”

Based on the findings of Race and Equality’s research, including extensive feedback from LGBTI civil society organization, the dossier concludes with a series of recommendations for the Brazilian State, international human rights organizations, civil society, and government agencies. Among them are highlighted:

1 – Ratification of the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance and ratification of the Inter-American Convention Against All Forms of Discrimination and Intolerance.

2 – The creation of a concrete plan to combat LGBTI-phobic violence in Brazil, including an intersectional approach that will combat the racist and LGBTI-phobic violence against Afro-Brazilians.

3 – Initiatives from the Ministry of Labor to combat discrimination against Afro-LGBTI workers in hiring, promotion, pay, and working conditions.

4 – Commitments from all relevant stakeholders to support civil society organizations as they work to document the murders of LGBTI people, assurances that these organizations will not face unnecessary bureaucratic obstacles, and respect for their work from the government.

Download the dossier in English: Link

View a recording of the dossier’s launch, featuring speakers from Brazilian civil society: http://bit.ly/350lGF5

 

Lesbian Resistance Collective creates project to map the socio-cultural situation and emotional state of lesbian and bisexual women in Rio’s Maré Favela Complex

In hopes of presenting the daily experiences of lesbian and bisexual women from the slums, specifically those who live in the Maré Favela Complex in Rio de Janeiro, the Lesbian Resistance Collective of Maré created a project to map the socio-cultural and emotional situation of lesbian and bisexual women.  The project was organized by Beatriz Adura Martins and Dayana Gusmão (Read: https://bit.ly/2TDB5ES), and the research was carried out in partnership with the Institute of Psychology at the Federal Fluminense University (UFF) between November 2019 and June 2020. The mapping project is available for download on the Metanoia Editora website, run by lesbian women Léa Carvalho and Malu Santos. [1]

Their experiences were shared within Espaço Casulo, or Cocoon Space in English, where the therapeutic group took place, as well as in other social spaces used by the collective, allowing the mapping to take place alongside this region’s residents, rather than somewhere distant from their everyday realities. Before the research began, the psychology students leading it first learned about the situations that permeate lesbian and bisexual experiences within the favelas by exploring the realities of the Maré Favela Complex in person. From this exploration, fundamental questions were born that now form the mapping project.

The document aims to register and denounce the scarcity of information on lesbian favela experiences, particularly non-violent ones, seeing as hegemonic representations of favelas remit the violence and abandonment of public power. “Generally, these surveys only deal with middle-class lesbian women and/or those ‘on track,’ and the reality of lesbians in the favelas ends up being ignored. For this reason, the idea of ​​the mapping project is to affirm these existences in Maré and not to tell them how they should be,” explains Beatriz Adura [2]. Thus, she presents the question: how can numbers and surveying serve to chart subjective experiences?

Based on these reflections, the organizers affirm that this is pioneer research, as they know of no other socio-cultural and emotional mapping of lesbians and bisexuals within Brazilian favelas. With this, they hope to extend the discussion to many other mapping projects about these women’s realities across the country. The organizers emphasize that the plurality of “lesbianalities” needs to be made visible, as research reflects that, even in Maré, there are unique differences between their realities and those of other women. As  outlined in their objectives, the mapping intends to influence the construction of public policies that consider the specific lived experiences of lesbian and bisexual women from these communities, as well as to open debate and produce conviviality that contributes to the elimination of social marginalization that lesbians face in the Maré favelas.

Eight out of the 16 total favelas within the complex were included in the mapping project. The 40-question long questionnaire obtained a total of 59 respondents who answered questions about race, housing, maternity, religion, basic sanitation, and family relationships, among others. Having a majority of university student respondents, the project highlights the importance of community college entrance exams in Maré.  Looking at questions related to gender, researchers noted that these questions are more advanced academic questions. Gender is not a common topic that is considered in the daily lives of these women, so much so that 20% chose not to answer these questions and three designated themselves as non-binary.

Regarding race, 70% declared themselves to be non-white, a fact that the organizers see as vital to creating public policies that contemplate the reality of the favelas, as, generally, these surveys focus on the perspectives of white and middle-class lesbian women. More specifically, 47.5% declared themselves Black; 28.8%, white; 20.3%, brown; 3.4%, Indigenous; and no person claimed to be Asian. “We draw attention to the importance of specific surveys on methods of favela sociability that often do not appear in the statistics of generic surveys, always leaving the favela population destined to talk about their problems and violence. Lesbians living in the favelas of Maré exist and are mostly Black, brown, and Indigenous, representing 71.2% of this population,” the report indicates.

In regard to violence, the interviewees said they felt safer and more comfortable within the favela to express their sexuality, as they have already suffered attacks outside of it. With this, the research reveals that domestic violence is something that characterizes the daily life of lesbians in Maré. Many of them have already been referred by family members to some sort of conversion therapy [3] based on religious practices.  In this sense, this data reflects how the advancement of the conservative agenda and the growth of neo-Pentecostal churches in the region influence the situation of violence and the denial of lesbian existence. For these women, psychological violence represents twice as much oppression as physical violence, resulting in 70% of them declaring that they have no religion.

Given this scenario, the organizers explain that uniting the of lesbians in Maré was important for the construction of research, however, this was only the first stage. At the moment, the Lesbian Resistance Collective of Maré is looking for sponsorship for the second phase of the mapping project in order to cover more favelas throughout the complex. Few financial resources, the lack of technological material and even the difficulty in access to internet, made the project difficult to complete, not mention the COVID-19 pandemic that delayed the end of their research.

“Police violence was another factor that made research difficult. At various times when we were able to mobilize women to answer the questionnaire, police operations were taking place. Militarization only caused damage. For this reason, this research is done from a perspective of demilitarization of the favela and people’s lives. It is necessary to create a territory of care, of life production and not of control,” says Dayana Gusmão. [4]

The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human rights congratulates all involved in the elaboration of the dossier and supports all research that affirms the favela as a place of knowledge production. In this sense, we recommend that the Brazilian State:

1 – Create public policies that contemplate the diversity and intersectionality of lesbian women from slums;

2 – Undertake policies that aim to demilitarize slums, not only during the pandemic, but as a continual local policy;

3 – Implement the IACHR’s recommendations from its report on Violence against LGBTI people (2015) regarding actions to analyze and assess the prevalence of violence against lesbian and bisexual women: adopt specific measures to prevent and investigate this type of violence with a differential approach that considers power relations at the intersection of sex, gender, sexual orientation and gender expression [4]

 

[1] Access the mapping project: https://bit.ly/2TDB5ES

[2] Speeches presented during the launch of mapping project on YouTube at the Maré Museum, which took place on October 17th.

[3] Access the report on Conversion Therapies by the UN IESOGI, Victor Madrigal-Borloz: https://undocs.org/A/HRC/44/53

[4] IACHR. Violence against LGBTI people. 2015, p. 311, par. 69. Available at: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/reports/pdfs/violencelgbtipersons.pdf

Black Lives Matter: The Call for Racial Democracy Resounds in Brazil

After the brutal murder of George Floyd by U.S. police, a wave of protests has called for all of society to descend into the streets in order to fight for the eradication of systemic racism. In a world affected by the fragmentation of political and institutional powers and in the midst of disorder worsened by the COVID-19 pandemic, which launched a global healthcare crisis, the veil of racism that sustains privilege and forms of neocolonial capitalist exploitation has been pulled back. In the face of such a scene, antiracist reactions have flared up in various countries. In Brazil, a country that daily relives the trauma of colonial racism, the call for racial democracy resounds throughout the Black population.

It is important for us to emphasize that, due to different contexts of colonialization and to the racial policies adopted in their respective histories, any analysis seeking to compare the reactions of the Brazilian and U.S. populations to the George Floyd case confirms once more strategies of oppression within politics of domination. In this hierarchical global system, the United States functions as a reference point for comparisons between the two countries and depicts yet another expression of symbolic violence.

Yet racism is the common denominator in this structure of oppression. It is the connection which summons the descendants of the Black Diaspora in every corner of the world through the motto “Black Lives Matter.” Capitalism’s failure has put so-called democratic regimes in check since a democracy which maintains itself through a necropolitical system that eliminates Black, indigenous, and other non-white bodies cannot be considered as the power of the people per its etymological meaning. Upon being normalized as a form of social organization in Brazil, racism has a great effect daily in the death and the exclusion of Black people and in their access to human rights.

Consequently, any supposition that the fight to end racism in Brazil gained momentum with the current North American demonstrations is to be ignorant of its history. In the 1930’s, the Frente Negra Brasileira (FNB, Black Brazilian Front) [1] strove for equality throughout society but was eradicated during the Vargas dictatorship. Since the 70’s, the Movimento Negro Unificado (MNU, Unified Black Movement) [2] has been combatting all forms of racial discrimination. These movements do not include the armed revolts and creation of quilombos since the days of slavery. During abolition, partnerships between Black communities confirmed their agency and anti-racist political organization.

With the assassination of City Councilwoman Marielle Franco [3], protests against racism erupted in Brazil. Thousands took to the streets to seek justice for Marielle and for all she represented: Black Brazil’s resistance struggle. Her cowardly assassination unveiled the structural and institutional racism enrooted in Brazilian society, as a political strategy of domination that sheds the blood of thousands of Black families. And yet, in Brazil, it is still necessary to prove that racism exists, murders, and incarcerates the black population on a systemic level.

This year the COVID-19 pandemic ignited the social inequalities which manifest in racist ways. At a time when the global population is called to practice social distancing, in Brazil, staying home to protect oneself from coronavirus is a privilege reserved for a small sector of society that is obviously white. Ironically, the choking of George Floyd acts as a metaphor in times of COVID-19 in which the poor and Black population dies the most because of the virus’ fatal respiratory consequences. In that sense, the memory of captivity is made present once more in Black bodies that, upon stepping into the streets every day to go to work, are turned over to the invisible hands of the disease which hangs in the air.

Seeing as how the country will not shutdown, the racist government policy has intensified in face of the virus through the arbitrary use of police violence. Military police operations, with the authorization of the Rio de Janeiro state government, have continued to take place including the killing of 14-year-old João Pedro in the city of São Gonçalo [4]. Due to the publicity the case has gained in society, the Federal Supreme Court had to ban the continuation of police operations in communities during the social distancing period [5]. Taking into consideration from a racial perspective that the police who engage in favela confrontations are mostly Black and are residents of the community, the weight of racist violence reveals that the Brazilian police kill the most but also die the most [6].

In the midst of all this, the significance of George Floyd’s and João Pedro’s deaths resulted in a wave of solidarity and anti-racist struggle that called on white supremacy to take an anti-racist stance. Thus, antifascist movements have joined the anti-racist struggle through the call of Antifa sports organizations. Protesters took to the streets to condemn the genocide of Black people and to demand full democracy [7]. With acts under the banner of Black Lives Matter occurring throughout the country, the hegemonic media, dominated by the Brazilian elite, has not been able to avoid the topic of racism because protests are happening on a global scale and not just in Brazil [8]. Large television networks invited Black journalists and researchers on for the first time to discuss the magnitude and consequences of racism in the world and in Brazil.

Therefore, the anti-racist movement is strategically intensifying and with the help of a manifesto, published in print newspapers with a large readership as well as electronically, that calls on all of the Brazilian population and its institutions to sign and commit to a democratic program that aims to eradicate current racist practices in Brazilian society [9]. “With Racism There Is No Democracy”, the manifesto released by the Coalizão Negra (Black Coalition), which brings together members of the Black movement from around the country among other civil society organizations.

If the suffocating effects of the pandemic outbreak are able to snuff out violence opening the way for a possible racial revolution, then taking to the streets will not have been in vain. The lives of João Pedro, George Floyd, along with the more than 450,000 Coronavirus deaths globally, should be honored through struggle and resistance so that in the future we can rewrite history exalting Blackness through its powerful figures.

In this vein, Race and Equality supports the antiracist and antifascist demonstrations occurring in Brazil and throughout the world and recommends that the Brazilian state support the Black population in the following ways:

  • Implement a democratic governing proposal that guarantees the eradication of structural and institutional racist practices;
  • Ensure full access to the public health system;
  • Ratify the Inter-American Convention Against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance [10];
  • Ratify the Inter-American Convention Against All Forms of Discrimination and Intolerance [11];
  • Create antimilitarist strategies in the fight against crime within communities;
  • Adopt public policies with an intersectional perspective that takes into consideration the special characteristics of the oppression that Black people face.

[1] https://www.geledes.org.br/frente-negra-brasileira-2/

[2] https://www.geledes.org.br/movimento-negro-unificado-miltao/

[3] https://theintercept.com/series/caso-marielle-franco/

[4] https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/geral-52731882

[5]https://radioagencianacional.ebc.com.br/justica/audio/2020-06/stf-proibe-operacoes-policiais-em-favelas-do-rio-durante-pandemia

[6] https://jus.com.br/artigos/74146/policia-brasileira-a-que-mais-mata-e-a-que-mais-morre

[7] e [8] https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2020-06-06/vidas-negras-importam-chacoalha-parcela-de-brasileiros-entorpecida-pela-rotina-de-violencia-racista.html

[9] https://comracismonaohademocracia.org.br/

[10] http://www.oas.org/es/sla/ddi/tratados_multilaterales_interamericanos_A-68_racismo.asp

[11] http://www.oas.org/es/sla/ddi/tratados_multilaterales_interamericanos_A-69_discriminacion_intolerancia.asp

The case of George Floyd: an expression of structural racism

The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race & Equality) expresses our outrage at the killing of George Floyd, recognizing that he was killed by racism and police violence. His death, which thousands of people in the United States and across the world are protesting, is the consequence of structural and institutionalized racism. This racism perpetuates poverty, violence, discrimination and other systematic violations of African Americans’ fundamental rights.

Despite efforts to deny the extent of racism in the US, George Floyd’s death cannot be understood without reference to these patterns of discrimination and violence, particularly the persistence of police violence against African Americans. Race & Equality is united with the individuals and organizations who are responding to the deaths of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and countless others by proclaiming that Black Lives Matter and exercising their right to protest and freedom of expression to demand change.

We are concerned by the response of the US government to protests across the country, with thousands of protestors being repressed by police forces and the National Guard. The use of military vehicles and weapons to intimidate the population and impede the exercise of their rights in unacceptable. As a result of these tactics, which are encouraged by national leaders including President Donald Trump, people have suffered injuries, permanent harms such as the loss of eyes and even death during the last week of protests.

The case of George Floyd makes clear that the scourges of discrimination and racism, if left unaddressed, will lead to violent ruptures in our social, political, economic and cultural lives, making it impossible for us to build just, equitable and peaceful societies.

Today, we commit to speaking out so that Black Lives can be acknowledged, valued and respected. We demand that states change their policing practices, eliminate racial profiling and dialogue with Black organizations and communities to find solutions to this crisis.

The mistreatment and killings of Black people in the US has been facilitated by onlookers’ silence in the face of injustice and violence. This silence also extends to the institutions of justice, which have consistently failed to try, condemn and sanction those who take and threaten Black lives. We demand that those responsible for the killing of George Floyd be brought to justice and that the cycle of impunity in crimes against African Americans be broken.

Finally, we urge States and international organizations to redouble their efforts in the fight against racism, adopting all necessary measures to eradicate discrimination in all its forms. Only by eliminating racist doctrines and practices can the ideals of peace and justice flourish.

The struggles of being Transgender and Afro-descendant in Colombia

The Trans Support and Action Group Foundation (GAAT, for its initials in Spanish), in partnership with ICASO, carried out the event “Transcending Barriers: Rights and full citizenship for people with experience of trans life” from the 16th to the 19th of September 2019. This event was attended by trans activists from eleven different regions of Colombia that met in Bogotá to discuss how their human rights are being guaranteed, what are the barriers they struggle with to access services, and how to create some strategies to overcome these challenges.

The event was also attended by five Afro-descendant activists with diverse sexual orientations and gender identities -four trans women and a non-binary person- from the departments of Tolima, Valle del Cauca, Atlántico, Chocó and the municipality of Montes de María; who addressed their reflections from the experiences that frame their reality as Afro-trans people living in Colombia.

Among the comments highlighted by the activists was the latent discrimination they live with in their territories, generated by barriers to access to different rights such as health, education, and work.

“… the Constitutional Court ruled that trans people who wanted legal recognition of their gender identity in their EPS could do it, and this issue is still a complication in the territory…” Afro-trans Chocó activist.

“… In hospitals as elsewhere, there is not yet a focus on differential care for trans men and trans women. So, that makes (going to) the doctor a complete torture, […] the treatments that one can already follow, but then they give you a lot of obstacles and paperwork, and in such a way that finally you get tired and don’t go to receive your hormones, or go to the doctor at all… ” Afro trans non-binary activist from Valle del Cauca.

The activists also denounced teachers and classmates who use strong dynamics of discrimination in educational spaces; in addition, they stated that there are policies that deny the gender identity of diverse people, because authorities refuse to issue official documents with the identifying names of those people.

Regarding the guarantees of access to work, the leaders expressed that there are no labor inclusion policies for trans people, therefore, they are not even interviewed for the positions they aspire to have, or there are more requirements imposed on them – such as the completion of multiple courses – to delay their applications.

“… Work for transgender people in my municipality is very scarce. It is something sad, because there we talk about labor inclusion [but] a trans girl […] just for having her male name on her ID, is called by her masculine name, not by her identifying name […] When [whoever is in charge of the job interview] enters, [says] ‘what a shame, the interview cannot be done because you appear under another name’.” Afro trans activist from Montes de María.

“Our race is also a cause of violence and a factor that generates new dynamics of discrimination and marginality,” said one of the Afro-trans activists, referring to the differentiated violence that Afro-descendant women face in comparison to the rest of the population classified as “mestizo white.” Accordingly, the leaders referred to a social and state discourse that denies the existence of racism and systems of structural discrimination by pointing out that racism has diminished or does not exist. This creates an invisibility of their identities in official statistics.

“… In the prosecutor’s office or in any other entity, they do not take the time to ask one how one identifies oneself […] I realized this through a process that I took to the prosecutor’s office […] I had the right to say that I am an Afro-descendant trans person. I went to the official, I approached and told him. [He replied:] ‘But you have to understand that everyone is recognized as white or mestizo. There is no Afro.’” Afro trans activist from Montes de María

Structural racism is also illustrated by the stratification of the territories, where Afro people inhabit the poorest areas, and those who have a better standard of living do so through a lot of work or association with mestizo white people. Because of this situation, there is a lack of the guarantee of rights in places predominantly inhabited by Afro people. In turn, this barrier is accentuated when Afro people also have diverse sexual orientations or gender identities because their violence becomes more complex.

“We could say that you have to take sides, or defend yourself as an afro person, or defend yourself as a diverse person, but not both, impossible, that would be death”. Afro trans activist from the Caribbean.

Systematic forms of psychological violence and discrimination in the territories are other situations that, according to the stories told by the leaders, violate the integrity and rights of Afro-trans people. “Generally, the first thing that is affected is self-esteem, because to understand that they begin to look at you first, to judge you without even knowing you, sometimes simply because of your skin color, that is brutal. And the other thing is that […] you have your hair and you have your afro, and they come to want to touch your hair without asking, that is already violent because they are invading your space and they don’t even ask,” details non-binary Afro trans leader from Valle del Cauca.

Finally, within their own family, or even in spaces shared with LGBTI people, their ideas are not validated by their peers in the same way as the ideas of their white mestizo companions and counterparts.

“If you are black, it is a proposal, but if you are white, the proposal is validated.” GAAT Executive Director.

Given the various structural problems that undermine and deepen the circles of poverty, racism, discrimination, and marginalization of Afro people with diverse sexual identities and orientations, activists pointed out the importance of creating spaces in the territories that reinforce the ideas of family building, outside the “traditional-conventional” biological form that reduces the construction of the family bond to the consanguinity traits of family members. In addition, they proposed the creation of policies for access to health, work and education for trans people.

At the same time, they pointed out that the State institutions require pedagogies and trainings regarding the Afro-trans issues with a territorial focus. “These activities must be directed by people who are empathic with the issue in order to create much deeper discussions and lessons,” stressed the activists. They also said that it is important that there is greater empowerment of new Afro-trans leaderships, and pointed out relevant ways that social organizations should strive to create greater spaces of inclusion for Afro people who understand first-hand the specific complexity of their daily lives in the territories.

The Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) was invited by GAAT to hold a short workshop during the afternoon of September 16th. This invitation was motivated by the need found by the executive direction of the organization to incorporate the relationship and intersection of gender identity with ethnic-racial belonging into the agendas, activisms, and work with communities. The workshop was composed of a brief reference to the existence and activities carried out by the Afro-LGBTI Network of Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as a series of findings from documentary reviews made by the member organizations of the Network. Thus, we deepened the need for the incorporation of intersectional approaches in trans activism, referring to situations in which structural racism, together with the dynamics of prejudice against LGBTI people, increase the vulnerability of people who find themselves mostly in contexts of poverty and without protection from the State.

At Race and Equality, we celebrate the completion of these types of conferences in which our counterparts can establish working relationships, as well as expand their relationships, with activisms that work tirelessly for the defense of transgender rights.  . We also highlight the growing interest and commitment in the visibility and social and political impact of the rights situation for Afro-LGBTI people. We believe that this type of interaction is essential for new human rights activists and organizations present in the different regions of Colombia to start creating intersectional analysis efforts from their own agendas.

Nicaraguan human rights defenders will talk in Geneva about the evolution of the crisis in their country

Seven months after the current human rights crisis started in Nicaragua as a result of the government’s repression of peaceful protests, a group of human right defenders will hold a public conversation in Geneva on November 28th with the aim of making visible the consequences and permanence of the crisis. The crisis continues now with the prohibition of civic demonstrations and the prosecution of hundreds of protestants, students and activists who have been arrested for participating in protests and are being subjected to trials in which the guarantees of due process are disregarded.

In the conversation, organized by the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality), the human rights defenders will describe their own experiences during the crisis and the risks they face in their daily work.

Special emphasis will be placed on the situation of injustice and defenselessness faced by populations that traditionally experience discrimination, such as women, indigenous persons, Afro-descendants and the LGBTI community. These groups have been repressed for defending democracy and demanding justice and respect for human rights.

The human right defenders will also refer to the situation faced by hundreds of political prisoners, who have reported torture and ill treatment in prisons and detention centers. According to the Nicaraguan Center for Human Rights (CENIDH, for its initials in Spanish), of the 602 citizens imprisoned as of November 14th for participating in the protests, 563 are men and 50 women, of which 4 are transgender women.

The image of “normality” that the Nicaraguan government intends to establish both nationally and internationally contrasts diametrically with the vision that human rights defenders will provide that day, which is that in Nicaragua “nothing is normal”, since the violations of human rights committed by the Nicaraguan authorities are systematic and remain unpunished.

Nicaragua will be evaluated by the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2019. This review will offer human rights defenders, civil society organizations, and the international community an important opportunity to peacefully influence the crisis that today overwhelms the Nicaraguan people.

Vice-President of Costa Rica and Vice-Chairpersons of the UN CERD Committee highlight the need for states to develop Action Plans during the Decade for People of African Descent

“We cannot discuss the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) without taking into account historically-marginalized populations”

 

Coinciding with the 73rd General Assembly of the United Nations held in the city of New York, NY; the Permanent Mission of Costa Rica and the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) organized a panel entitled “The United Nations Decade for People of African Descent: Recognition, Justice, and Development: The Need for Action Plans to Combat the Historical Inequalities Faced by Afro-descendants.” Epsy Campbell Bar, Vice President and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica, and the Vice-Chairpersons of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), Gay McDougall and Pastor Murillo, participated in the panel. The purpose of the event was to explore strategies for the development of concrete action plans to combat historical inequalities faced by Afro-descendant groups in Latin America and the Caribbean. The panelists shared their expertise on international standards to combat racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, and related forms of intolerance and discussed the possibilities of developing better practices to be considered by the Member States in implementing internal action plans.

The panel highlighted the importance of promoting concrete action plans that will result in increased programs to respond to the social and economic needs of the Afro-descendant population around the world. This is especially true given that it has been five years since the Decade for People of African Descent began and there are still many challenges to overcome, affirmative actions to develop, and plans to put into motion. In this regard, Carlos Quesada, Executive Director of Race and Equality and the panel moderator, stated “We do not want a second Decade for Afro-descendants to pass by without concrete plans. We deserve more than just declarations of intent – we need solutions.”

Following the introductory remarks, CERD Vice Chairperson Gay McDougall highlighted the structural obstacles that have impeded Afro-descendants from developing their full potential and urged states to review their laws and synchronize them with the objectives of the Decade. She emphasized that the objectives of the Decade will only be met if states have the political will to make it happen.

Vice President Campbell Barr indicated that all countries should be committed to overcoming the challenges of historical exclusion, racism, and discrimination. “Issues that effect Afro-descendants are not just for Afro-descendants, and the women’s issues are not just for women; these are issues for all States,” she stressed. Additionally, she highlighted the need to include racial self-identification questions in the censuses of the individual countries of the region in order to generate accurate population data about the Afro-descendant populations. Additionally, Vice President Campbell Barr called attention to the need to have concrete action plans created by and for Afro-descendants as part of the mandate of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), as one cannot talk about meeting these objectives without considering their impact on historically-marginalized populations. For this reason, she questioned the audience about urgent problems in the areas of health, employment, education and violence – particularly against women – given that statistical indictors continue to show alarming levels of inequality and marginalization.

In his intervention, CERD Vice Chairperson Pastor Murillo warned about the difficulty states will have achieving the SDGs if they do not consider the needs of the Afro-descendant population. He indicated that only six countries in the Americas currently have affirmative action plans, and that very few Afro-descendants are found in parliaments and other government bodies. This phenomenon is proof that xenophobia and racism are global traits linked to the historical discrimination against this population. “Just as the profound causes of inequality against women have its roots in the historical discrimination they have experienced at legal and institutional levels of different states, the fight against racial discrimination has a similar history –it is necessary to rectify the injustices committed against these populations in order to cement plans, projects, and laws which will allow us to move forward,” said Mr. Murillo.

Despite many advances in recognizing the rights of the Afro-descendant population, there are many challenges to face in the next seven years of the Decade. According to the expert panelists, states must build bridges between the objectives of the SDGs and those of the Decade of Afro-descendants to improve the situation of the Afro-descendant population through state policies. Before that, States need to understand the realities face by Afro-descendant women, youth, and children. Special attention must be paid to the situation of pregnancy in girls and what measures governments can take for its prevention. States must also continue to incorporate the history and culture of the Afro-descendant population in their education programs. Censuses should include specially designed, culturally appropriate questions that will actually result in Afro-descendants self-identifying their race. Finally, the panelists called for countries that have yet to ratify the Inter-American Convention Against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance to do so in order to build a diverse and inclusive world, with social justice for all – especially for those who have been historically marginalized.

Race and Equality is convinced that the International Decade for People of African Descent represents an important commitment in the fight against racism. Therefore, it should be a priority for states to reflect on the urgent need to develop action plans that result in the protection of the human rights of Afro-descendants.

You can view the webcast of the event on our Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/raceandequality/videos/905253373008442/

Cuba denies existence of racial discrimination to the UN CERD Commitee

Washington. Sept 16. 2018. On August 16, Cuba categorically denied the existence of racial discrimination in Cuba to the group of independent experts of the United Nations (UN) that form the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) during the review of Cuba under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. The purpose of the review is for Cuba to present information on how it has implemented action plans to combat racial discrimination.

Rodolfo Reyes Rodríguez represented Cuba at the review and stressed during his presentation on behalf of the Cuban state that Cuba does not have a structural or institutional racism problem. He also emphasized that in Cuba, racial and ethnic minorities do not experience any difference in treatment legally, politically, or socially and that the concepts of “Afro-Cuban” or “Afro-descendant” do not exist in Cuba because this population is not regarded as any different from the rest of the population. He stated that according to the results of the 2012 population census, 9.3% of the population identified as Afro-descendant because of the mixed heritage of the population. He explained that all citizens self-identify themselves as white, mixed or black just based on the color of their skin, but all are considered Cuban citizens with the same inherent rights and responsibilities. (You can read the full presentation of the Cuban representative here)

In response to the information presented, the CERD Committee issued its report of recommendations on August 31. In the report, the Committee finds that, contrary to the information presented by the Cuban state, the Afro-descendant population in Cuba continues to suffer from racism and structural discrimination as a result of the historical legacy of slavery. The report also concludes that this discrimination is demonstrated by and results in this population being unable to exercise economic, social, and cultural rights to the same extent as other Cubans. According to the report, the Committee is concerned about the challenges the Afro-descendant population faces in accessing the labor market; the low levels of Afro-descendants in decision-making positions, both in the public and private sector; and the disproportionate levels of poverty affecting this population.

In its list of recommendations, the CERD Committee also expresses great concern that the methodology used in the census does not result in objective information that accurately presents the racial composition of the country. In this regard, the Committee calls on the Cuban State to review its methodology for collecting demographic data in the census in order to design questions and strategies with the input of the Afro-descendant population that will result in their self-identification and generate more accurate results.

The CERD Committee report calls on the Cuban State to include a clear and explicit definition of racial discrimination in its Constitution, which is currently being updated.

The Committee also recommends that the State include a gender focus in its policies and strategies to combat racial discrimination in order to address the many forms of discrimination affect women, particularly Afro-descendant women, who face greater obstacles in accessing the labor market. The Committee also stressed the need to create as opportunities for women to participate in politics and to hold decision-making roles.

The CERD Committee condemned allegations of harassment, intimidation, and hostility against those who defend the rights of Afro-descendants.

Specifically, the CERD Committee’s Rapporteur for Cuba, Silvio Albuquerque, mentioned violations of the right to freedom of movement. Juan Antonio Madrazo, Coordinator of the Citizen’s Committee for Racial Integration (Comité Ciudadano por la Integración Racial), was prevented from leaving Cuba to participate in the review, and Roberto Mesa, Coordinator of the Black Brotherhood (Cofradia de la Negritud) was arbitrarily detained a few days before he was scheduled to travel. The representative for Cuban denied any acts of repression taking place against human rights defenders, instead asserting that these individuals pass themselves as human rights defenders but are mercenaries of the United States, paid to make false allegations of human rights violations. In its report, the CERD Committee laments the Cuban government’s denial of these violations and their failure to take measures necessary to investigate them and prevent them from occurring.

Race and Equality observes the statements presented by the Cuban government to the UN CERD Committee with great concern. The lack of specific and conclusive information provided by the government as well as its flat denial of the discrimination and human rights violations suffered by Afro-Cubans is further evidence that discrimination and structural racism are alive and well in the country.

Race and Equality thanks the CERD Committee for the recommendations offered to the Cuban government, which are to be implemented into the laws and policies of the country in order to effectively guarantee the protection of the human rights of all Afro-descendants in Cuba.

ECLAC monitors the 2020 Panama Census process and the participation of its Afro-descendant population

Washington, D.C. August 25, 2018. The Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality), together with the National Secretariat for Afro-Panamanian Development (SENADAP), arranged for the participation of Fabiana Del Popolo, Demography Coordinator at the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean’s (ECLAC) Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Centre (CELADE), in a meeting of the Afro-Descendant Technical Group. The meeting was designed to provide support to and empower members of the Afro-Descendant Technical Group.

A working table meeting held on August 22, 2018 at the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) office in City of Knowledge, Clayton, Panama, was convened by SENADAP Director Urenna Best. The meeting also included the participation of Joyce Morris of the National Institute for Statistics and Census’ (INEC) Population and Housing Section, and Elvia Duque, Program Officer for Race and Equality. During the meeting, Fabiana Del Popolo stressed the fact that Latin America is the region with the highest levels of ethnic/racial inequality in the world and that Afro-descendants are the most vulnerable ethnic/racial group. Additionally, she described historical statistics of Afro-descendants in the region, the role of the various international treaties, and the advocacy work done by Afro-descendant activists to increase the amount of disaggregated data statistics available by race/ethnicity. She also urged those present to closely monitor the State’s level of accountability to its Afro-descendant population, specifically in relation to the goals/standards of the UN Decade for People of African Descent, CEPAL’s “Montevideo Consensus on Population and Development” (2013), and the UN Sustainable Development Goals (2030). She also presented a disaggregated comparative analysis of the different methodologies and post-census results on Afro-descendant and indigenous populations in Latin America.

Members of the Afro-descendant Technical Group were very interested in Ms. Del Popolo’s analysis, which described other census processes such as those in Costa Rica, Colombia, Brazil, and Venezuela as successful examples to follow. However, she stressed that “there is no perfect question,” referring to the drafting of a self-identification question for Afro-descendants. She explained that the context of these countries is different than that of Panama, but that they present similar challenges that have been overcome thanks to the empowerment of and increase in participation of civil society during the entire census process, as well as the technical support from data experts.

Ms. Del Popolo explained that experiences such as the 2010 Census in Panama must be observed and analyzed as a whole. The analysis should not just yield information on the population percentages but must also produce information on the inequality gaps reflected in these figures. This information will form the basis for advocacy tools that can be used to demand public policies in favor of the Afro-descendant population. In this respect, she noted that “we must be clear in what we are trying to measure with a census – whether it’s diversity or inequality of a populational group in particular, or other aspects.”

Similarly, the expert stressed the need to learn from other experiences, such as those of indigenous Colombians and the Afro-Peruvian population who, despite being minority groups, have generated strategies that have improved the position of their communities.

Ms. Joyce Morris of INEC presented an analysis of the background of the ethnic/racial self-identification question in Panama. She also presented, for the first time, an outline of the question and concepts that were to be included in the home surveys of August 26, 2018, which included changes requested by the Technical Group.

The session was concluded by highlighting the advances made in the 2020 Census in Panama, which features the elimination of filter questions that lead to the Afro-descendant self-identification question. She also stressed the need for the Afro-descendant Technical Group to receive proper permanent technical support. Race and Equality wishes to continue to contribute sustainable strategies to support the 2020 pre-census, census, and post-census processes.

Ms. Del Popolo also participated as a featured panelist at Casa Amarilla, a Presidential complex where, in front of Afro-Panamanian activists, she spoke about prior census experiences from Latin America which included the ethnic/racial self-identification question. She highlighted the importance of having an Afro-Panamanian Technical Group as the first step in aligning the goals of the Afro-Panamanian population with the INEC and other key entities of the 2020 census process. In her presentation, she also urged the public to find out more about the Technical Group and to support its work.

Elvia Duque stressed Race and Equality’s commitment to coordinate with SENADAP and support the Afro-descendant Technical Working Group during its interactions with the INEC and other government institutions. She also highlighted the need to create a roadmap that will allow them to focus on the goals and steps to follow. She stressed the Technical Working Group’s commitment to thoroughly examining the results of the 2010 Census and the subsequent household surveys in order to ensure that the 2020 Census reflects the reality of the Afro-Panamanian population.

SO THAT OUR VOICES ARE HEARD AND INCLUDED! Today We Commemorate the International Day for Afro-Latino, Afro-Caribbean, and Diaspora Women

July 25 marks the International Day for Afro-Latino, Afro-Caribbean, and Diaspora Women. The commemorative date was established in 1992 after a meeting in the Dominican Republic of more than 400 women from diverse Latin American countries, where they analyzed the consequences of racism and sexism in the region. The meeting also provided a space for attendees to articulate joint actions and remember historic struggles to combat these issues.

On this day we remember that the fight to bring down the humiliations caused by discrimination, poverty, and violence is ongoing. Participatory spaces are closed off because of racist and discriminatory logic against women and Afro-descendants which prevail. Women from the region continue to be the victims of a hostile war committed to condemn their voices and their chants, to violate their bodies, and take away their children.

It is important to remember that Afro-descendant women’s organizations have undertaken a lot of efforts to achieve recognition and participation in decision-making spaces. Because of this, we urge all states to promote affirmative actions in favor of including Afro-Latino, Afro-Caribbean, and Diaspora voices in spaces that will permit the promotion of effective public policies that guarantee rights and severely condemn all types of ethnic or racial discrimination.

Today we rise up in resistance for the women suffering the war and apathy in Nicaragua, for the harassment and repression against women in Colombia, especially those who are persecuted for leading life in the territories. We rise up for those women who are not recognized and who are discriminated against in Peru; for the violence and harassment against trans women in Brazil; for the voices of the women in Panama; for the recognition of the rights of all women in the region. We will continue fighting so that our voices are heard, included.

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