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July 25: Call on the States of the Americas to Guarantee and Protect the Rights of Afro-Latina, Afro-Caribbean and Diaspora Women
Washington, D.C., July 25, 2021. – Afro-Latina, Afro-Caribbean and diaspora women fight and resist everyday against systemic racism and gender-based violence in situations that in turn generate a series of human rights violations upon them and their communities. For this reason, on July 25, the region celebrates The International Day for Afro-Latina, Afro-Caribbean and Diaspora Women. The Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) recognizes their struggles and resistance and calls upon States to adopt policies that contribute to improving the lives of these women.
The last year posed various challenges mainly due to the impact of COVID-19 in the Americas. This pandemic exposed the conditions of inequality faced by the Afro-descendant population, but mainly Afro-descendant women, including those who are heads of family households, who defend human rights, who lead social processes in their communities, who hold public office in the midst of machismo and discrimination, and those with diverse sexual orientation and gender identity.
Afro-Latina, Afro-Caribbean and Diaspora Women’s Day has been celebrated every July 25 since 1992, the First Meeting of Afro-Latina and Afro-Caribbean women took place in the Dominican Republic. It was the starting point for the struggle in demanding their visibility and all their cultural and social contributions to the formation of States. Over the years, this date has also served to raise demands on public policies to recognize, guarantee and protect the rights of this population.
This date acquires greater relevance as we are in the middle of the International Decade for People of African Descent 2015-2024, which was declared by the United Nations, and whose objective is to promote the eradication of all social injustices suffered by people of African descent, as well as to combat prejudice and racial discrimination, and to promote and protect the human rights of all.
Fighting and resisting using art.
The struggles and resistance of Afro-Latina, Afro-Caribbean and diaspora women are in every corner of the Americas and are manifested in various ways. One of them is art, so this year, Race and Equality set out to make visible and recognize women in the region who, through different artistic expressions, share their experiences, make their demands visible, demand justice and seek to contribute to improve the living conditions in their communities.
In Colombia, La Comadre is a process of Afro-Colombian women, victims of the armed conflict, which arose within the National Association of Displaced Afro-Colombians (AFRODES). Its objective is to make visible the disproportionate effects of the armed conflict from an intersectional approach, and thus demand from the State the design and implementation of public policies, with an approach that responds to the set of effects they have experienced— Afro-Colombian women in the context of the armed conflict.
Since La Comadre, its members have organized different strategies to make visible the struggles of black people, and especially the struggles of black women, as well as the contributions they have made to the construction and advancement of this country, says Luz Marina Becerra, President of this initiative. One of the strategies has been the creation of plays. “The purpose is to make visible all those issues that we have experienced as black women, especially sexual violence, and to that extent generate awareness, sensitize Colombian society to all these damages and the impacts that have caused war on our bodies, on our lives, on our culture, on our models of life,” she explained.
In Brazil, Virgínia Beatriz expresses her art through poetry, where she seeks answers about her descendance, she resists and denounces the collective reality of Afro-women living in the favelas. Beatriz is a historian and member of the Coletivo Resistência Lésbica da Maré, and as a black and pansexual woman, she reveals that her poems reflect her concern of the invisibility of Afro-Brazilians, but she also seeks collective victories in an attempt to reconstruct the narratives of those that were usurped by colonization.
“In this way, art has the power to give us prominence, to contribute with our voice and our body in the struggle for our rights, whether in a video on the internet where this narrative circulates to various places, or in a slam circle in the street, in some academic text or book of poetry, uniting our art in a manifestation, the protagonist is ours and this is our history,” declares the poetry slammer.
In Nicaragua, the Murals RACCS Foundation (Movimiento para la Unidad Regional del Arte Local y las Expresiones Socioculturales de la Región Autónoma del Costa Caribe Sur) works to strengthen artistic skills and creative capacities under a playful and educational method. Its Co-Director, Psychologist, Gay Sterling, considers that in an adverse context where racial discrimination prevails, “the art of muralism is an important tool to combat negative social phenomena,” to convey messages that illustrate the struggles and demands for a more equitable and just society for women of African descent.
Sterling reaffirms the cohesion and determination of people of African descent in the struggle to eradicate discrimination: “Whether we paint, dance, sculpt or make handicrafts, we shout that no matter which country or region we live in, or whether they call us Afro-Latina, Afro-Caribbean, African-American, we are a single-origin diaspora because genes don’t lie.”
As an organization that defends and protects the human rights of people of African descent in several countries of the Americas, Race and Equality has been observing and documenting the inequalities and human rights violations faced by Afro-Latina, Afro-Caribbean and Diaspora women. For this reason, we take advantage of the fact that, in the framework of the Afro-Latina, Afro-Caribbean and Diaspora Women’s Day, hundreds of activists, leaders, groups and organizations advocate for this population, to make the following recommendations to the States:
– Create and/or strengthen the projects, programs, and mechanisms needed to combat violence and discrimination affecting women of African descent in the Americas.
– Adopt, within the framework of the International Decade for People of African Descent 2015-2024, public policies that guarantee the rights of women of African descent in the region, with an intersectional approach that takes into account other determinants of their life experiences, such as sexual orientation and gender identity.
– Collect and disseminate statistics, also under an intersectional perspective, on the presence and situation of Afro-Latina, Afro-Caribbean and diaspora women in the Americas.
– Sign, ratify and implement the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance.
Race and Equality celebrates the adoption of the UN resolution for the protection of african people and afro-descendants against police violence
Washington DC, July 15, 2021 – The Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) celebrates the adoption, by consensus, of Resolution A/HRC/47/L.8 Rev.1, which aims to promote and protect African and Afro-descendants against excessive use of public force. This resolution was voted on at the 47th General Assembly of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (HRC47), in which Michelle Bachelet, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, presented her report on the subject, calling on member states to dismantle systemic racism and end police violence. This ruling is a historic step towards reforming systemic police brutality against the black population.
The Resolution establishes an international mechanism of independent experts to promote transformative changes to justice and racial equality. This mechanism should be composed of three experts with experience in law enforcement and human rights, who will be appointed by the President of the Human Rights Council, under the guidance of the High Commissioner. To this end, the mechanism must work closely with experts from international bodies and treaties.
Additionally, this same mechanism will be responsible for investigating the responses of governments to peaceful protests against racism and all international human rights violations, as well as contribute to accountability and reparation of victims. The mechanism will be presented to the UN Council annually, together with the High Commissioner, who will also present an annual report, to be declared at its 51st session in June 2022.
Furthermore, it should be noted that the adopted Resolution recognizes the legacy of slavery, colonialism, and the transatlantic slave trade of African peoples. This recognition dialogues with the 21-year-old Durban Conference, whose Durban Declaration and program of action cite the link between the past, present and future, recognizing that Afro-descendants continue to be victims of the consequences of slavery, the slave trade and colonialism. Thus, both documents call for the former colonial powers to assume the consequences of colonization and its impacts on today’s black population around the world.
In presenting her report, Bachelet reiterated that, “no state has taken full responsibility for the past or the current impact of systemic racism,” thus confirming the urgent need for measures to ensure an end to impunity and discriminatory policies. Thus, the promotion of racial justice and equality pervades the adoption of reparatory policies against systemic racism in Western nations affected by colonialism
In view of this resolution, we also praise the importance of human rights organizations and defenders who are part of the anti-racist struggle. Through their advocacy work, the committee against racial discrimination, the rapporteur on racism and the working group on Afro-descendants have made numerous recommendations to the UN system for the protection of human rights.
Towards a Global Transformative Agenda
The implications of Resolution A/HRC/47/L.8/Rev.1 of the Human Rights Council adopted by the UN are the results of a historical demand of the black population around the world. Michelle Bachelet’s mandate research under Resolution 43/1, provides concrete recommendations on the measures needed to ensure access to justice, accountability, reparation for excessive use of force, and other human rights violations against the black population. The case of George Floyd in the US brought to light racial debate versus police violence on a global level. Therefore, investigating the violent responses of governments towards peaceful protests against racism and supporting the victims of human rights violations was made as an urgent response from international mechanisms.
That said, the attack on democracy by the States is carried out as an attempt to weaken both the anti-racist struggle and the guarantee to fundamental rights. Therefore, among the pillars of reparations to African and Afro-descendant peoples is the establishment of independent monitoring mechanisms and standardized methods to report and review the use of force. Furthermore, data should be published and broken-down by race or ethnic origin of the victims, highlighting the racial profile, the cause of deaths and serious injuries that are related to the maintenance of order, and subsequent prosecutions and convictions.
Statement on Police and Political Violence in Brazil
On the occasion of the UN’s HRC47, Race and Equality with Brazilian and international human rights organizations, denounced the ongoing police and political violence in Brazil as a result of systemic racism. The neglect of the Brazilian government in the face of constant allegations of human rights violations, both in the political sphere and in the public and private spheres, highlights how the structure that supports the maintenance of racist practices is ingrained in its institutions, especially in those in which the state seeks to impose order through violence—the police institution.
Thus, Race and Equality in partnership with the Marielle Franco Institute (IMF), IMADR and Minority Rights, [1] denounced police violence against the black population in Brazil. The statement, delivered by Anielle Franco, Executive Director of the IMF, urges the United Nations to establish an independent and impartial mechanism within the police forces that will help ensure accountability and respect for human rights standards and ensure that all cases of disproportionate use of force are investigated. In addition, the statement highlighted the recent cases of the Chacina do Jacarezinho, in which the excessive use of police force resulted in the brutal murder of 25 black youths in Jacarezinho, a favela in Rio de Janeiro; and the case of Kathleen Romeu, a 24-year-old pregnant black girl, shot dead during an illegal police operation in the Lins Vasconcelos Complex, also a favela in Rio de Janeiro.
In another complaint to the UN Council, Race and Equality and The International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association (ILGA Mundo), the Brazilian Association of Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transvestites, Transsexuals and Intersexes (ABGLT) [2] was to denounce not only police violence, but also political violence that has haunted, delegitimized and silenced the Brazilian LGBTI+ population. The statement highlighted the case of Luana Barbosa, a black woman, mother and lesbian, brutally murdered by police in 2016, whose case was mentioned in Bachelet’s report. In addition, the implications of systemic racism traversed by sexism, makes the LGBTI+ population hostage not only of police brutality, which disrespects its gender identities in a violent way, but also hostage to the anti-gender agenda promoted by the current government, already institutionalized in the promotion of hate speech and closure of specific public policies that serve the LGBTI+ population.
Thus, it is worth remembering that the brutality of police violence in Brazil disproportionately affects the racialized population and people who express different genders. With the promotion of a state security policy that aims to eliminate these bodies, the system relies on the racist and LGBTIphobic structures and commands an eye-catching necropolitical project aimed at an agenda of ethnic-racial cleansing, promoting the genocide of the black population. Presented as a fait accompli by the government to disregard the injunction of the Supreme Court (STF) that restricts police operations in the city’s favelas during the COVID-19 pandemic, has resulted in more than 800 people killed by police since June 2020.
Responses from the States in the Region
In response to the complaints, the Brazilian state lamented the deaths cited by the High Commissioner’s report, making itself available to continue cooperating with the UN. Furthermore, the state informed that the justice system is investigating cases and intends to work on systemic responses and proposes to work specifically on human rights education for public authorities.
The Colombian government on the other hand, questioned the data presented on the murders of Afro-Colombian leaders and people during the National Strike, thus demanding that they be verified. In this way, it sought to delegitimize the protests that took place, emphasizing that the State does not tolerate violence by public servants that violate human rights— facts that can be proven both by media footage and by the constant denunciations of aggressions and deaths.
Race and Equality urges the States in the region to fully cooperate with the UN mechanism created to end impunity for racialized state violence; ensure accountability and remedies; and confront the roots of racism. In the case of Colombia, we express concern about the government’s negative response and our hope that the Colombian authorities will investigate and publicize human rights violations and killings against Afro-descendant defenders amid the National Strike protests.
As for Brazil, we hope that the State will follow up on investigations and on a human rights cooperation policy aimed at ending police violence and impunity for those responsible. We emphasize that Brazil needs to effectively implement the Inter-American Convention against Racism. Thus, we reaffirm our commitment to monitoring human rights violations by States and ensuring the implementation of this Resolution by the UN mechanism, so that it can work together with special procedures to strengthen accountability in the administration of racial justice. Finally, we believe that it is essential that the UN can ensure the participation of Afro-descendant peoples and communities in the formulation and implementation of States’ responses to systemic racism.
[1] Access the pronouncement: https://bit.ly/3yXYcfO (available only in English)
[2] Access the pronouncement: https://bit.ly/3r9WhC4 (available only in English)
Transcinema: trans presence and representation in brazilian audiovisual media
Brazil, June 11, 2021 – “I never imagined living in a country that kills travestis [1] and transsexuals the most. I never imagined how powerful the reference of my population could be, on and off the screen. In theater, producing music on and off the radio, dancing and encouraging the presence of our trans bodies in Brazil.” With this reference, the power of trans bodies and the Brazilian reality, Wescla Vasconcelos- director, screenwriter and presenter– opens the program, “Transcinema: Presence and Representation in Brazilian Audiovisual Media” [2]. The program was supported by the Aldir Blanc Law, the Rio de Janeiro State Government, and the State Secretariat for Culture and Creative Economy, as well as the Kinoplex Cinema Network. Written in partnership with Biancka Fernandes, Transcinema was created in order to make visible and discuss the presence of trans bodies within audiovisual media.
With the participation of actresses such as Divina Aloma, Biancka Fernandes and Rebecca Gotto, who narrate their artistic trajectories of their disobedient bodies in contrast to the prevailing gender and media patterns, which all exalt the disruptive transgender power within Brazilian audiovisual media. Through the brief accounts of their stories, many come from a long haul in this industry. Actresses narrate the evolution of trans representation beyond stigma and prejudice to demonstrate that, yes, trans people can and should be protagonist of their stories. The conquest for space and representation in the cultural sector is an arduous struggle for the trans population, usually their performances are restricted to support roles, their stores are shelved, or they’re found behind the cameras and/ or in cultural projects. Moreover, because of transphobia, many cisgender men act in roles of trans people, further accentuating the erasure and marginalization of trans and transvestite women.
It is worth highlighting that the profusion of social media and the heightened accessibility of the internet is and was important for the visibility of the trans population. Also, themes of identity contributed to the creation of audiovisual content that discuss the importance of trans representation in decision making spaces. Becuase communication is power, the symbolism constructed around trans people, needs to be constantly questioned, since the media legitimizes and romanticizes cisheteronormative narratives, leaving the trans population in an eternal contest for representation beyond headlines of violence and death. Therefore, trans representation also needs to be included in the audiovisual industry and in job generation as a means of social insertion far beyond the screens.
To tell the story of the Transcinema project, Race and Equality invited Wescla Vasconcelos, who besides being the creator of the program, is also an actress, pedagogue, she completed her masters in Culture and Territorialities in Fluminense Federal University (UFF), a Parliamentary adviser in the office of Councilwoman Tainá de Paula in Rio de Janeiro, and also acts as an articulator of the TT-RJ Forum. Wescla also discussed about the importance of the actresses’ stories, and how these stories serve as a reference of themselves and how this evolution is important for the generations to come.
Race and Equality- How did the idea of the Transcinema Program come about? How many editions will there be?
Wescla Vasconcelos- Transcinema arose from a dream I always had as an artist, which is to try to produce content that reflects, in various ways, the power of the presence of trans and transvestite peoples in audiovisual media, but also through other artistic languages. In 2020, I collaborated in a program for the National Association of Travestis and Transsexuals (ANTRA), with the first festival “Travestilizando.” This festival aimed to bring together several trans artists in order to insert them in social networks and showcase their talents at the time of the pandemic. In fact, with the support of several trans artists, we created several virtual campaigns raising funds to help supply food and basic hygiene products. The emergency appeal of the Aldir Blac law arrived in the midst of the pandemic (this law includes emergency assistance to workers in culture and support for cultural spaces). As an artist, I realized the importance of producing content that reflected the power of trans representation in audiovisual media. Together with Biancka Fernandes, we are two trans artist from the Northeast region of Brazil, we started this movement of writing a project based on trans representation in Brazilian audiovisual media. It was the first script that we wrote together, and it was also the first production that I directed and produced at the same time, along with other folks involved. It emerged from the quarantine with the need to produce content that reflects the power of trans representation in audiovisual media. At the moment Transcinema has only one edition, but for the second half of 2021, I intend to develop other content that contemplates trans people’s existence in the Brazilian audiovisual media.
R&E- As a writer and director, what influenced you to explore this issue?
WV- The main influences when constructing the script and direction of the program were based on some interviews with trans artists, both from Brazil and from and other countries. The show was based primarily on the documentary called, ‘Disclosure’ which in Portuguese is called ‘Revelação,’ available on Netflix. In addition to this documentary, I was also inspired by Bruna Benevides’ article called “11 Movies about Trans Activist that you need know” [2]. The article was written on the website Medium and it’s accessible online. It’s wonderful, and it greatly inspired me to create the program’s script.
R&E- What was the experience like working with the trans actresses, what is the message in Transcinema that you’d like to transmit to the public?
WV- The show was an experience of bringing together several trans artists from different cities, with Divina Loma speaking about Madam Satã’s time, in Rio de Janeiro, and what she went through as a black transsexual artist. Then came Rebecca Gotto who is an actress from Baixada Fluminense, guiding the issue of access, opportunities, and the fight for respect of the social name, especially as an artist. It also included Biancka Fernandes referencing aspects of prostitution in Brazil, the marginalization of the streets, poetry, and the importance of poetry as a power of her art. It was a generational conversation humanizing cinema entertainment. This production of content guides our trans people and transvestite population as a reference for ourselves. I think this is the main message that the program Transcinema brings in the fight against prejudice and discrimination.
R&E- Because of your experience as a militant and as an articulator of the TT-RJ Forum, how can ‘Transcinema’ contribute to repair transphobia in a country that kills more LGBTI+ people in the world?
WV- I believe that the Transcinema show directly contributes to discussions that are urgent in our society. We see a lot on television and on other forms of mainstream media, a linkage between prejudice and discrimination to the deaths and murders, further marginalizing transexual and transvestite subjects. Thinking from this place of social movement, the experience in the construction of Transcinema speaks about life. We transsexuals cannot limit our speech and presence in society by just debating questions of transphobia, prejudice and discrimination. We must discuss all this and fight for the right to life within a country that both murders our trans and transvestite bodies.
Nevertheless, it is important to recognize what each of us does in life, because we have many powerful and inspiring things that serve as references not only for trans people, but for society as a whole and the LGBTI+ population. The content of Transcinema contributes to this dialogue by saying that we have always been in various places, occupying various spaces of society. But it’s society that does not admit our presence.
R&E- How do you envision the journey and presence of trans peoples in Brazil’s audiovisual media?
WV- At the end of Transcinema, I leave with a message that is: to let us act, let us sing, let us dance, let us play any and all sports. Society can no longer avoid the debate around trans bodies, travestis, and their role in the labor market, university studies, and other opportunities, because we are human beings and we are included in society anyway. We need to encourage this inclusion to happen in a more practical and concrete way. I think that the Brazilian audiovisual media today has been going through changes, to the point where I myself am surprised. Brazilian audiovisual media has been going through moments of transformations that reflect a future dialogue of narratives, bodies, and representation. The Transcinema program encourages this evolution and challenges the Brazilian audiovisual media. It’s very much linked to ourselves, the transexual artists who have gone through the entertainment industry before, commenting on their own work as a strategy of reference and exalting our work, and at the same time leaving messages such as: when I was a child or teenager, I had never seen content like this. I think with transgender children and teenagers having access to content like Transcinema, it fosters the idea that they see themselves reflected on TV, in cinema, in art and in various other places in society.
R&E- Another unfortunate Brazilian statistic that brings the trans and transvestite presence within audiovisual media is that Brazil is the country that consumes the most trans and transvestite pornography in the world, but the taboo on trans bodies remains constant. How do you see this possible paradigm breaking within the audiovisual industry?
WV- The statistic is a sad fact, Brazil is the country that kills the most trans and transvestite people not by fatality, I like to emphasize this because they are brutality filled, hate crimes. At the same time that we think about this awful statistic, we see that the consumption of pornography is very high. And in addition to the digital platforms, online pornography, and consumption of the bodies of trans and travestis is also very high. The street corners of prostitution did not completely stop during the pandemic period, and now with this vaccination movement the market of prostitution returns with acceleration. These are issues within society that have never been as present as they are today. We need to strengthen this discussion using the fact that this country kills the most and consumes the most trans pornographic content, and hires prostitution services. These are taboos that need to be debated and, furthermore, alternatives need to be thought out so that this can be something that does not harm the rights and dignity, and life of the LGBTI+ community.
Audiovisual representation can demystify, in the sense that the search for pornography and prostitution on the streets moves certain people in search of specific issues, which in this case is sex. And on the other hand, producing content with a trans diverse population in the audiovisual media, helps to humanize these peoples and express how their bodies are not only for pornographic content and prostitution- trans bodies can also serve as a reference in various points of audiovisual content, and moreover by encouraging their presence in society, we demystifies this taboo. The participation of trans people in Brazilian audiovisual media can help reduce both discrimination and prejudice.
R&E- The popular Madame Satã served as a symbolic figure who always had to appear strong to be able to survive, moreover the cinema perpetuated this image. What image of trans people do we need to (re)build in order to decolonize symbolic ideas of trans bodies?
WV- Madame Satã is referenced in our program, Divina Aloma is one of the few trans artists who had contact with Madame Satã. Unfortunately, we recently experienced the death of Rogéria and Jane di Castro from the Divine Divas. Aloma’s participation in Transcinema is an enormous gift. She’s a legacy in life, in live production, commenting on Madame Satã is one of the defining moments of our documentary. With Madame Satã, we witness a figure confronting fascism and prejudice, vulnerable to the intersectional prejudices, and dealing with the political violence and abusive apparatus that the state ideologically imposes in our society.
Continuation WV- In order to imagine a reconstruction of symbols and struggles that can decolonize trans bodies, it is necessary not only to have trans people acting, but to think in what ways the LGBTI+ debates and trans debates are structured in society. In addition to acting through mediums of art and cinema, I think it is important that we are also aware of these processes. We need more and more writers, editors, content producers, trans creative directors to play a role in the structure and functioning of these large areas of society. Because from the moment we do that, we’re going to see not only trans people acting, but also directing, producing, scripting and creating a distinct presence for the trans and transvestite community using their professional talents. This will all contribute to embolden and decolonize the experience of trans bodies in society. From the moment we still see that there is a great absence in the presence of trans people in various sectors of our society, it is important to think that when this access is facilitated, these people will increase their presence in society, and in a way, weaken forms of prejudice and discrimination.
In order to contribute to promoting the cultural sector with recognition and appreciation of popular expression, Race and Equality recognizes that the right to culture is essential to the contribution of the history of a people and its traditions. Moreover, the appreciation of culture from a plural perspective is intersectionally connected to the struggle for basic rights of peoples. Thus, our engagement in the defense and promotion of racial and indigenous LGBTI+ agendas aim to restructure a world designed for unique bodies and peoples. Therefore, we recognize that diversity is a fundamental right and we congratulate the diverse cultural productions.
[1] Far from being a pejorative term, according to ANTRA (National Association of Travestis and Transsexuals of Brazil), “travesti” is an identity in the country, claimed by those who, despite having been identified as belonging to the male gender at birth, recognize themselves as belonging to the female gender and have a female gender expression, but do not claim themselves as women. Associação Nacional de Travestis e Transexuais (ANTRA); Instituto Brasileiro Trans de Educação (IBTE). Dossiê dos assassinatos e da violência contra travestis e transexuais brasileiras em 2019. São Paulo: Expressão Popular, ANTRA, IBTE, 2020, p. 11. Available in: https://antrabrasil.files.wordpress.com/2020/01/dossic3aa-dos-assassinatos-e-da-violc3aancia-contra-pessoas-trans-em-2019.pdf
[2] Watch the Transcinema program here: https://www.instagram.com/p/CPJZ6HfDEaR/
[3] https://brunabenevidex.medium.com/11-filmes-sobre-ativistas-trans-que-voc%C3%AA-precisa-conhecer-a2eb9654b4ee
Political Violence in Brazil: What is the Value of Black and Transgender Parliamentarians Lives?
Given the growing political-electoral violence plaguing the security of trans and black parliamentarians in Brazil, both in their daily lives and in the exercise of their mandates, the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) makes an urgent call for international human rights and protective strategies.The imminent risk of death due to political violence led the black trans councilor, Benny Briolli (PSOL/RJ), to leave the country in May 2021. The severity of the threats and attacks directed at Benny caused her political party to seek shelter in another country for her safety.
The current fragility of Brazilian democracy calls into question the political actors who defend the guidelines for the guarantee of human rights, with political violence being the engine of hate speech and the spread of false news. We witness with great concern that the Brazilian State fails to respond to complaints, and in cases where it is obliged to respond when triggered by the press or public hearings, it uses dubious statistics. The States’ failures are in addition to tokenizing women, black people, and the LGBTI+ community to forge the inclusion of diversity in their government. However, the lack of protective measures for these groups displays that security is insignificant to those in power to stop the structures that feed political violence.
After the dictatorial period of extreme political violence, the struggle for power remained marked by threats and attacks, all culminating in the assassination of Councilwoman Marielle Franco in 2018. However, it is important to note that political violence was also strategic for President Bolsonaro’s election who, after allegedly being stabbed, managed to mobilize the whole country around the incident. One can see how political violence is key for a government to establish and maintain the culture of fear and repression.
The politics created out of fear and insecurity is only effective when representatives of the most vulnerable population are prevented from exercising their mandates because they question the status quo, either because of their political platforms, or because of their black bodies that perform femineity. Thus, for a government that was consolidated at the polls due to political violence, this domino effect that led city councilor Benny Briolli to leave the country is only the tip of the iceberg of virtual attacks, gender violence and the silencing of a nation.
Within the Bosonarist era, the 2020 elections took place amid tensions of political and electoral threats. Although in 2020 the black movement achieved success in passing the racial criterion [1] for time division and political propaganda on the radio and television, hate speech on social networks gained strength. Moreover, according to a survey conducted by the organizations Terra de Direitos and Justiça Global [2], Brazil recorded an act of political violence every 72 hours in the last elections. The polarized political climate continues to naturalize violence as a coercive ‘weapon’ towards underrepresented groups.
The report, “Political and Electoral Violence in Brazil: An Overview of Human Rights Violations from 20016-2020”, organized by the institutions mentioned above presents striking data. For example, an average of 27 cases of attacks per years are experienced by those elected, as well as candidates. Councillors and mayors are among the political posts with the most registered cases, and as we have repeatedly denounced, the report confirms that proportionally women suffer more violence. The research “Mapping Political Violence Against Black Women” [3] conducted by the Marielle Franco Institute in partnership with Justiça Global and Terra de Direitos, centralized their focus on gender-based political violence. According to the report, about eight out of ten black women in the 2020 elections experienced virtual violence, six out of ten experienced moral and psychological violence, and five out of ten suffered from institutional violence.
According to the survey conducted by the National Association of Transvestites and Transsexuals (ANTRA) [4] of the transgender candidates throughout Brazil in the 2020 elections, about 50% of them were direct victims of threats, including death threats, invasion of their private environment, work, and political spaces. In addition, 38% faced online attacks, and 12% endured direct physical violence. Additionally, as reported by the survey, virtual platforms were drenched in “transphobic insults, intimidation of the trans condition as incapacitating for political positions, transphobic racism, delegitimization of the gender identity of the victims, malicious comments related to the transition and physical attributes (…), dissemination of candidates’ degrading fake news and coordinated invasions of virtual campaign activities to hinder their progress, creating an unsafe environment and, in some cases, interruption due to virtual security issues.”
To contribute to the dissemination of denouncements taking place in Brazil, we spoke with Gisele Barbieri, Advocacy Coordinator of Terra de Diretos, and with an individual responsible for the coordination of the research cited.
R & I – In the report prepared by Terra de Direitos, the framework of political- electoral violence already presents data that indicates growth from 2016 to 2020. The data became even more frightening after the Bolsonaro election, from 2018 onwards. In last year’s elections we saw an expansive increase in hate crimes, with threats and attacks on networks, especially against trans and black women. Given the government’s refusal to see and combat these crimes, do you think it is possible to see an end to the political-electoral violence against women in Brazil? If so, in what way?
Gisele Barbieri – Political violence, as we demonstrated in the survey carried out by Terra de Direitos and Justiça Global in 2020, carries several messages to and from society. Against women, this phenomenon exposes racism, misogynism, among other types of violence. Therefore, envisioning an end to violence will only be possible when resistance is seen as a necessary means to consolidate democracy. In addition, it is a serious violation of human rights, since these women already act in the defense of human rights when they assume their mandates, and yet are targets of constant violence. The responsibility to combat this violence lies not only with the government, but with society at large. In addition to revealing how violence delegitimizes the political agency of women, the research also points out that this violence occurs systematically and not only during electoral periods, but among political parties throughout Brazil. Using these analyses, we evaluate that the end of political violence will only occur when this phenomenon is accompanied, studied, combated, and punished through coordinated actions between various sectors of the State as indicated by Terra de Diretos e Justiça Global’s recommendations.
R & I – Black and trans women are fighting for greater political representation and, in the last elections, we had a record number of trans and black women elected for city council. Even with the support of society, exercising the mandates has been an arduous task. According to the Terra de Direitos and Justiça Global report, women account for 31% of the victim threats. Could you comment about gender violence within the specificities of political violence against trans and black women? How does it differ from political violence directed at other groups?
GB – The research conducted by the Marielle Franco Institute with the support of Terra de Direitos and Justiça Global draws together elements of how racism, which is structural in our society, also poses itself as the vector of violence against black women and trans political agents. This phenomenon for these women is present before, during, and after elections. These message to black and transgender women comes in the form of constant insults and threats, aimed at the elimination and dehumanization of these women by means of attacks ranging from the animalization of these women, insults about their hair and appearance, and even explicit death threats. Racism is the thread of systemic racial violence and hatred can murder the lives of these women at any point. This discourse is in the efforts to fortify representation in the political system, even though black women already represent almost 30% of the Brazilian population.
R & I – In Brazil, we have the recent case of Carolina Iara, who suffered a physical attack, but even so, her request for protection was denied by the city for being a co-councilor, and she was told to hire private security. The lack of protection for Marielle Franco is also a neglected case point. Moreover, the Human Rights Defenders Program does not protect them. Even through filing complaints, there is no response from the State. How do we best protect these women? [5]
GB – The fact that this violence is not monitored by the State creates an institutional gap on this subject. There is an urgent need to draw up a specific protection policy plan for the denouncements and victims when dealing with this type of violence. The National Program of Human Rights Defenders cannot respond to this phenomenon because, although it is directed at human rights defenders, it does not have the mechanism to address this specific type of violence. In cases of political violence, removing candidates from their mandate position to protect them is to comply with the will of the criminals who want to prevent them from exercising their political rights. This violence directly interferes with the democratic process and constitutes a very serious violation of human rights.
Given our work of incidence in Latin America, Race and Equality notes that the current political violence is one of the main factors of human rights violations in the region. Brazil, being a key country in political terms, must position itself and present effective strategies for respecting the lives of its parliamentarians and combating political violence. Therefore, we present the following recommendations to the Brazilian State:
- Security guarantee for cis and trans black parliamentarians with the implementation of policies aimed at combating gendered political violence, empowering public security agencies and judiciary and legislation to promote actions at a national level to combat such violence;
- Creation of specific legislation to prevent cyber-crimes and the consequent dissemination of fake news that has been one of the pillars for attacks related to political violence;
- Ratification of the Inter-American Convention Against all forms of Discrimination and Intolerance in order to punish and combat racism, as well as structural and institutional LGBTIfobia;
- Implementation of the Inter-American Convention against Racism before the Brazilian legislation to assemble anti-racist public policies.
[1] https://noticias.uol.com.br/eleicoes/2020/10/03/stf-divisao-verba-candidaturas-negras.htm
[2] http://terradedireitos.org.br/violencia-politica-e-eleitoral-no-brasil/
[3] https://www.violenciapolitica.org/
[4] https://antrabrasil.files.wordpress.com/2021/01/dossie-trans-2021-29jan2021.pdf
[5] The interview took place before the recent case of councilwoman Benny Briolli
Public Hearing on Political Violence in Brazil: Black Parliamentarians (cis and trans) urge the IACHR for Protection and Denounce the Negligence of the Brazilian State
Brazil, april 06, 2021 – In a hearing exclusively dedicated to denouncing the absence of political rights in Brazil, black councilors (cis and trans) and civil society organizations presented before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR). The presentation consisted of the current scene of violations of civil and political rights that afflict the security of several parliamentarians in the country. The hearing took place on March 23, in the context of the 179th calendar of virtual hearings of the IACHR, it was filed by the organizations: The National Association of Travestis and Transexuals of Brazil (ANTRA); Criola; Terra de Direitos; Marielle Franco Institute; Justiça Global, Rede Nacional de Negras e Negros LGBT, and The Institute of Race and Equality.
The following participated in the hearing: Erika Hilton (PSOL/SP); Ana Lúcia Martins (PT/SC) and Carolina Iara (PSOL/SP); representatives of civil society organizations included: Anielle Franco, Executive Director of the Marielle Franco Institute; and Bruna Benevides, Secretary of Political Articulation at ANTRA. Despite the discriminatory historical context that structures the Brazilian political scene, progress in relation to identity, anti-racist and anti-LGBTIphobic issues promoted the growth of parliamentary representation in the country’s legislative houses, provoking the existing system of hierarchical powers. However, the reactions of conservatives in political and social sectors, based on a culture of hatred, further foment the phenomenon of political and electoral violence in the country.
Given this framework of systemic persecution, Anielle Franco opened the debate denouncing how political violence is used as a tool to deprive black and trans women from exercising their political rights, which as a result prevents discussions on gender, race, and sexuality inequalities from taking place in political and institutional spaces. Moreover, Anielle exposed data on political violence during the 2020 elections, one of the most violent elections in recent years, which proves the escalation of political tension against black and trans parliamentarians in the country.
According to a survey by the Marielle Franco Institute [1], 98.5% of black candidates reported having suffered at least one type of political violence. The main violence was virtual, representing 80% of the total attacks suffered. In addition, only 32% of the candidates denounced the experiences they suffered, and among the reasons for not making the complaint public is the fact that they do not feel safe or are afraid to report the violence. In addition to not having support from the political party nor the police, among those who condemned the attacks, 70% said that it did not bring more security,
“There is an urgent need to promote mechanisms to tackle all forms of violence against black, transgender and travestis women, and to reorient existing policies in Brazil that today are still insufficient to guarantee their protection and their political rights,” Anielle concluded.
Parliamentary member, Ana Lúcia Martins, reported that sought protection through legal means, in addition to denouncing the threats on social network platforms, she did not receive any assistance or security from the state nor from her party. She had to bear the costs for her defense. Faced with negligence from the institutions, Ana Lúcia reported that almost nothing happened regarding the investigation of death threats and racist violations suffered. She continues to be a victim of political violence on social networks with messages that incite hatred and intolerance.
Ana Lúcia spoke before the IACHR, “We know that the State’s omission has an origin, the same that ignores the daily death of the black population of this country, whether by urban violence, lack of public policies to eliminate inequalities, racism that structure these inequalities, or by the hands of the State itself (…) Anielle Franco’s question has not yet been answered: Who guarantees the safety of black women elected?”
Co-councilwoman Carolina Iara, who suffered an attack in her home in January of this year, was direct in her questioning: “What is the connection between these threats towards trans parliamentarians and to the 175 trans women and travestis murdered in Brazil in 2020? What is the connection between Brazil’s high number of deaths of human rights defenders and the threats we are suffering? Who’s going to restore the trauma I have now? What kind of country is this where in addition to being silent, the president, in numerous statements, encourages LGBTIphobia?”
Alluding to the memory of Marielle Franco, Carolina pointed out that she will not be a martyr of this systemic violence that finds black and trans bodies in a necropolitical framework, further trivializing death in the country. Thus, she reiterated that the Brazilian State has an obligation to ensure that all black and trans leaders live safely to take part in politics. Additionally, the responsibility of their security cannot be exclusively left to civil society or the party.
In her speech, Councilwoman Erika Hilton denounced the persecution of human rights defenders and the women elected as an attempt at silence. As councilwoman she recalled a threatening experience of an attempted break-in to her office, as well as the university where she studied the walls were vandalized, “with spray-painted expressions: woman, black, elected, dead. I started my mandate having to prosecute more than 50 people for racist and transphobic attacks. How can I carry out political functions without being guaranteed physical integrity?” she questioned.
With the task of reporting the recommendations to the IACHR, Bruna Benevides further exposed the situation of political violence, especially the negligence of the Ministry of Women, Family and Human Rights, which made no statement, action or mobilization around political violence against cis and trans black women. As an example, Bruna cited the bill [2] that aims to protect victims of political violence, but through the transphobic movement of parliamentarians aligned with the fallacious narrative of “gender ideology,” it prevented the extension of protection to trans and travestis parliamentarians.
Bruna reported, “We have also observed several attempts to institutionalize transphobia by assigning biological criteria for access to and guarantee of fundamental rights, denying the right to the recognition of self-declaration and gender identity of trans people in various projects at the federal, state and municipal level. This disregard is corroborated by the negligence and omission of the State in recognizing these political acts of violence, especially against those who do not make up the government base and who are the most affected by political violence.”
Brazilian State representatives sought to escape the complaints with insufficient responses to the demands requested during the hearing, reaffirming a negationist position in relation to racial, transphobic, and political violence that harm political rights and the lives of parliamentarians. Through evasive arguments, representatives avoided and minimized the phenomenon of political violence in the country, attributing the facts to a world context.
In reference to the complaints, the IACHR Commissioners requested explanations from the State. Margarette May Macaulay, Rapporteur on the Rights of People of African Descent and against Racial Discrimination and Rapporteur on the Rights of Women, argued how the Brazilian State monitors cases of violence in the country, moreover she criticized the implementation in law of the Inter-American Convention against Racism, which was already approved by the Federal Senate.
In addition, Joel Hernández, Rapporteur for Brazil, concluded the hearing by emphasizing the importance of advancing women’s political rights and highlighting the State’s rejection in hearing allegations concerning political violence. In addition, Hernández stressed the necessity in observing the ways that virtual harassment operates in order to understand the exercise of political rights in Brazil.
In accordance with complaints cited during the hearing and aimed at guaranteeing the rights and protection of women who are part of the political body of the country, the following recommendations were delivered to the IACHR:
- Instigate the Brazilian State to be in development with the legislative chambers, as well as in dialogue with the city council members and organs of the justice system. Create mechanisms for referrals and prompt treatment of allegations of political violence against black women- cis and trans/travestis, ensuring identification and accountability of perpetrators of violence and providing psychological support to victims, their advisors and family members;
- Urge the Brazilian State to promote coordinated and integrated actions with specialized cyber-crime investigation police departments to hold perpetrators accountable and inhibit the use of online tools and platforms for attacks of political violence, in particular when driven by mass and deliberately sponsored professional structures;
- Prompt the Brazilian State to guarantee the training of judiciary members, the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the Public Defender’s Office, the Law Office, and the civil and federal police to increase their awareness of political violence against black women, trans and travestis, racial and gender discrimination, hate speech, and create anti-racist legislation, victims’ rights, redress measures, among other topics;
- Promote public hearings, debates and inter-sectoral discussions between public bodies and society on the impacts of political violence motivated by transphobia and issues related to the trans population;
- Urge the Brazilian State to advance in its adoption of specific legislation on political violence against women with actions that include preventing, restraining and punishing this type of violence, with a specific look at black women, travestis and transexual peoples;
- Carry out political tasks by listening to social movements and local civil society organizations to learn more about the current context of violations of the rights of black women, transexuals and travestis who are candidates and elected human rights defenders, with worsening situations of conflict. As well as present the perspectives of international standards that can contribute to the improvement of national protection policies;
- Place pressure on the Brazilian State to expand the structure and budget of the program for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders under the Ministry of Women, Family and Human Rights, and the inclusion of candidates and parliamentarians in this program, in order to ensure the protection of human rights defenders and their free exercise of political rights;
Missed the public hearing? Watch the full video here: youtu.be/Uu-U3OIoh2I
[1] https://www.violenciapolitica.org/
[2]https://g1.globo.com/politica/noticia/2020/12/10/camara-aprova-lei-com-medidas-de-combate-a-violencia-politica-contra-mulheres.ghtml
Lesbian Resistance Collective creates project to map the socio-cultural situation and emotional state of lesbian and bisexual women in Rio’s Maré Favela Complex
In hopes of presenting the daily experiences of lesbian and bisexual women from the slums, specifically those who live in the Maré Favela Complex in Rio de Janeiro, the Lesbian Resistance Collective of Maré created a project to map the socio-cultural and emotional situation of lesbian and bisexual women. The project was organized by Beatriz Adura Martins and Dayana Gusmão (Read: https://bit.ly/2TDB5ES), and the research was carried out in partnership with the Institute of Psychology at the Federal Fluminense University (UFF) between November 2019 and June 2020. The mapping project is available for download on the Metanoia Editora website, run by lesbian women Léa Carvalho and Malu Santos. [1]
Their experiences were shared within Espaço Casulo, or Cocoon Space in English, where the therapeutic group took place, as well as in other social spaces used by the collective, allowing the mapping to take place alongside this region’s residents, rather than somewhere distant from their everyday realities. Before the research began, the psychology students leading it first learned about the situations that permeate lesbian and bisexual experiences within the favelas by exploring the realities of the Maré Favela Complex in person. From this exploration, fundamental questions were born that now form the mapping project.
The document aims to register and denounce the scarcity of information on lesbian favela experiences, particularly non-violent ones, seeing as hegemonic representations of favelas remit the violence and abandonment of public power. “Generally, these surveys only deal with middle-class lesbian women and/or those ‘on track,’ and the reality of lesbians in the favelas ends up being ignored. For this reason, the idea of the mapping project is to affirm these existences in Maré and not to tell them how they should be,” explains Beatriz Adura [2]. Thus, she presents the question: how can numbers and surveying serve to chart subjective experiences?
Based on these reflections, the organizers affirm that this is pioneer research, as they know of no other socio-cultural and emotional mapping of lesbians and bisexuals within Brazilian favelas. With this, they hope to extend the discussion to many other mapping projects about these women’s realities across the country. The organizers emphasize that the plurality of “lesbianalities” needs to be made visible, as research reflects that, even in Maré, there are unique differences between their realities and those of other women. As outlined in their objectives, the mapping intends to influence the construction of public policies that consider the specific lived experiences of lesbian and bisexual women from these communities, as well as to open debate and produce conviviality that contributes to the elimination of social marginalization that lesbians face in the Maré favelas.
Eight out of the 16 total favelas within the complex were included in the mapping project. The 40-question long questionnaire obtained a total of 59 respondents who answered questions about race, housing, maternity, religion, basic sanitation, and family relationships, among others. Having a majority of university student respondents, the project highlights the importance of community college entrance exams in Maré. Looking at questions related to gender, researchers noted that these questions are more advanced academic questions. Gender is not a common topic that is considered in the daily lives of these women, so much so that 20% chose not to answer these questions and three designated themselves as non-binary.
Regarding race, 70% declared themselves to be non-white, a fact that the organizers see as vital to creating public policies that contemplate the reality of the favelas, as, generally, these surveys focus on the perspectives of white and middle-class lesbian women. More specifically, 47.5% declared themselves Black; 28.8%, white; 20.3%, brown; 3.4%, Indigenous; and no person claimed to be Asian. “We draw attention to the importance of specific surveys on methods of favela sociability that often do not appear in the statistics of generic surveys, always leaving the favela population destined to talk about their problems and violence. Lesbians living in the favelas of Maré exist and are mostly Black, brown, and Indigenous, representing 71.2% of this population,” the report indicates.
In regard to violence, the interviewees said they felt safer and more comfortable within the favela to express their sexuality, as they have already suffered attacks outside of it. With this, the research reveals that domestic violence is something that characterizes the daily life of lesbians in Maré. Many of them have already been referred by family members to some sort of conversion therapy [3] based on religious practices. In this sense, this data reflects how the advancement of the conservative agenda and the growth of neo-Pentecostal churches in the region influence the situation of violence and the denial of lesbian existence. For these women, psychological violence represents twice as much oppression as physical violence, resulting in 70% of them declaring that they have no religion.
Given this scenario, the organizers explain that uniting the of lesbians in Maré was important for the construction of research, however, this was only the first stage. At the moment, the Lesbian Resistance Collective of Maré is looking for sponsorship for the second phase of the mapping project in order to cover more favelas throughout the complex. Few financial resources, the lack of technological material and even the difficulty in access to internet, made the project difficult to complete, not mention the COVID-19 pandemic that delayed the end of their research.
“Police violence was another factor that made research difficult. At various times when we were able to mobilize women to answer the questionnaire, police operations were taking place. Militarization only caused damage. For this reason, this research is done from a perspective of demilitarization of the favela and people’s lives. It is necessary to create a territory of care, of life production and not of control,” says Dayana Gusmão. [4]
The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human rights congratulates all involved in the elaboration of the dossier and supports all research that affirms the favela as a place of knowledge production. In this sense, we recommend that the Brazilian State:
1 – Create public policies that contemplate the diversity and intersectionality of lesbian women from slums;
2 – Undertake policies that aim to demilitarize slums, not only during the pandemic, but as a continual local policy;
3 – Implement the IACHR’s recommendations from its report on Violence against LGBTI people (2015) regarding actions to analyze and assess the prevalence of violence against lesbian and bisexual women: adopt specific measures to prevent and investigate this type of violence with a differential approach that considers power relations at the intersection of sex, gender, sexual orientation and gender expression [4]
[1] Access the mapping project: https://bit.ly/2TDB5ES
[2] Speeches presented during the launch of mapping project on YouTube at the Maré Museum, which took place on October 17th.
[3] Access the report on Conversion Therapies by the UN IESOGI, Victor Madrigal-Borloz: https://undocs.org/A/HRC/44/53
[4] IACHR. Violence against LGBTI people. 2015, p. 311, par. 69. Available at: http://www.oas.org/en/iachr/reports/pdfs/violencelgbtipersons.pdf
Black Lives Matter: The Call for Racial Democracy Resounds in Brazil
After the brutal murder of George Floyd by U.S. police, a wave of protests has called for all of society to descend into the streets in order to fight for the eradication of systemic racism. In a world affected by the fragmentation of political and institutional powers and in the midst of disorder worsened by the COVID-19 pandemic, which launched a global healthcare crisis, the veil of racism that sustains privilege and forms of neocolonial capitalist exploitation has been pulled back. In the face of such a scene, antiracist reactions have flared up in various countries. In Brazil, a country that daily relives the trauma of colonial racism, the call for racial democracy resounds throughout the Black population.
It is important for us to emphasize that, due to different contexts of colonialization and to the racial policies adopted in their respective histories, any analysis seeking to compare the reactions of the Brazilian and U.S. populations to the George Floyd case confirms once more strategies of oppression within politics of domination. In this hierarchical global system, the United States functions as a reference point for comparisons between the two countries and depicts yet another expression of symbolic violence.
Yet racism is the common denominator in this structure of oppression. It is the connection which summons the descendants of the Black Diaspora in every corner of the world through the motto “Black Lives Matter.” Capitalism’s failure has put so-called democratic regimes in check since a democracy which maintains itself through a necropolitical system that eliminates Black, indigenous, and other non-white bodies cannot be considered as the power of the people per its etymological meaning. Upon being normalized as a form of social organization in Brazil, racism has a great effect daily in the death and the exclusion of Black people and in their access to human rights.
Consequently, any supposition that the fight to end racism in Brazil gained momentum with the current North American demonstrations is to be ignorant of its history. In the 1930’s, the Frente Negra Brasileira (FNB, Black Brazilian Front) [1] strove for equality throughout society but was eradicated during the Vargas dictatorship. Since the 70’s, the Movimento Negro Unificado (MNU, Unified Black Movement) [2] has been combatting all forms of racial discrimination. These movements do not include the armed revolts and creation of quilombos since the days of slavery. During abolition, partnerships between Black communities confirmed their agency and anti-racist political organization.
With the assassination of City Councilwoman Marielle Franco [3], protests against racism erupted in Brazil. Thousands took to the streets to seek justice for Marielle and for all she represented: Black Brazil’s resistance struggle. Her cowardly assassination unveiled the structural and institutional racism enrooted in Brazilian society, as a political strategy of domination that sheds the blood of thousands of Black families. And yet, in Brazil, it is still necessary to prove that racism exists, murders, and incarcerates the black population on a systemic level.
This year the COVID-19 pandemic ignited the social inequalities which manifest in racist ways. At a time when the global population is called to practice social distancing, in Brazil, staying home to protect oneself from coronavirus is a privilege reserved for a small sector of society that is obviously white. Ironically, the choking of George Floyd acts as a metaphor in times of COVID-19 in which the poor and Black population dies the most because of the virus’ fatal respiratory consequences. In that sense, the memory of captivity is made present once more in Black bodies that, upon stepping into the streets every day to go to work, are turned over to the invisible hands of the disease which hangs in the air.
Seeing as how the country will not shutdown, the racist government policy has intensified in face of the virus through the arbitrary use of police violence. Military police operations, with the authorization of the Rio de Janeiro state government, have continued to take place including the killing of 14-year-old João Pedro in the city of São Gonçalo [4]. Due to the publicity the case has gained in society, the Federal Supreme Court had to ban the continuation of police operations in communities during the social distancing period [5]. Taking into consideration from a racial perspective that the police who engage in favela confrontations are mostly Black and are residents of the community, the weight of racist violence reveals that the Brazilian police kill the most but also die the most [6].
In the midst of all this, the significance of George Floyd’s and João Pedro’s deaths resulted in a wave of solidarity and anti-racist struggle that called on white supremacy to take an anti-racist stance. Thus, antifascist movements have joined the anti-racist struggle through the call of Antifa sports organizations. Protesters took to the streets to condemn the genocide of Black people and to demand full democracy [7]. With acts under the banner of Black Lives Matter occurring throughout the country, the hegemonic media, dominated by the Brazilian elite, has not been able to avoid the topic of racism because protests are happening on a global scale and not just in Brazil [8]. Large television networks invited Black journalists and researchers on for the first time to discuss the magnitude and consequences of racism in the world and in Brazil.
Therefore, the anti-racist movement is strategically intensifying and with the help of a manifesto, published in print newspapers with a large readership as well as electronically, that calls on all of the Brazilian population and its institutions to sign and commit to a democratic program that aims to eradicate current racist practices in Brazilian society [9]. “With Racism There Is No Democracy”, the manifesto released by the Coalizão Negra (Black Coalition), which brings together members of the Black movement from around the country among other civil society organizations.
If the suffocating effects of the pandemic outbreak are able to snuff out violence opening the way for a possible racial revolution, then taking to the streets will not have been in vain. The lives of João Pedro, George Floyd, along with the more than 450,000 Coronavirus deaths globally, should be honored through struggle and resistance so that in the future we can rewrite history exalting Blackness through its powerful figures.
In this vein, Race and Equality supports the antiracist and antifascist demonstrations occurring in Brazil and throughout the world and recommends that the Brazilian state support the Black population in the following ways:
- Implement a democratic governing proposal that guarantees the eradication of structural and institutional racist practices;
- Ensure full access to the public health system;
- Ratify the Inter-American Convention Against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance [10];
- Ratify the Inter-American Convention Against All Forms of Discrimination and Intolerance [11];
- Create antimilitarist strategies in the fight against crime within communities;
- Adopt public policies with an intersectional perspective that takes into consideration the special characteristics of the oppression that Black people face.
[1] https://www.geledes.org.br/frente-negra-brasileira-2/
[2] https://www.geledes.org.br/movimento-negro-unificado-miltao/
[3] https://theintercept.com/series/caso-marielle-franco/
[4] https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/geral-52731882
[5]https://radioagencianacional.ebc.com.br/justica/audio/2020-06/stf-proibe-operacoes-policiais-em-favelas-do-rio-durante-pandemia
[6] https://jus.com.br/artigos/74146/policia-brasileira-a-que-mais-mata-e-a-que-mais-morre
[7] e [8] https://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2020-06-06/vidas-negras-importam-chacoalha-parcela-de-brasileiros-entorpecida-pela-rotina-de-violencia-racista.html
[9] https://comracismonaohademocracia.org.br/
[10] http://www.oas.org/es/sla/ddi/tratados_multilaterales_interamericanos_A-68_racismo.asp
[11] http://www.oas.org/es/sla/ddi/tratados_multilaterales_interamericanos_A-69_discriminacion_intolerancia.asp