Human rights defenders denounce the context of serious violence faced by Indigenous and Afro-descendant people of the Nicaraguan Caribbean

Human rights defenders denounce the context of serious violence faced by Indigenous and Afro-descendant people of the Nicaraguan Caribbean

Jamaica, May 8, 2019. The indigenous and Afro-descendant communities of the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua are facing a serious situation of violence as a result of the invasions of ancestral territories by settlers, human rights defenders denounced today before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), during its 172nd period of sessions.

Lottie Cunningham of the Center for Justice and Human Rights of Nicaragua’s Atlantic Coast (CEJUDHCAN, for its initials in Spanish), explained that the conflict between indigenous people and settlers has had “devastating consequences,” because it has impacted rights to integrity, health, food, access to water, a healthy environment, cultural identity, and a decent life. Furthermore, this situation has resulted in the forced displacement of indigenous communities, seriously affecting their traditional ways of life.

The hearing entitled “Situation of the Indigenous and Afro-descendant people of the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua” was also attended by Ana Bolaños of the Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality); Nora Newball of the Creole Government of Bluefields and the Alliance of Indigenous and Afro-descendant People of Nicaragua (APIAN, for its initials in Spanish); and Esteban Madrigal of the Center for Justice and International Law (CEJIL). The State of Nicaragua, which was invited to participate in the event, did not attend.

Context of the conflict

The Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua is a multi-ethnic, pluricultural and multilingual region where nearly 508,000 people with origins from the Mískitu, Sumu/Mayangnas, Rama and Afro-descendant (Creoles and Garífunas) communities live.

This territory “has been ravaged for years by poverty and by a systematic violation of the right to ancestral territories,” said Ana Bolaños, attorney at Race and Equality. As a result of a ruling of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in 2005, the State of Nicaragua approved Law 445, which established a process of demarcation and titling of these communities’ lands.

Under this law, between 2007 and 2016, 23 territories benefiting 304 indigenous and Afro-descendant communities were demarcated, but the title-clearing process has not been carried out, which is the State guarantee to the indigenous people of “the effective use and enjoyment of their titled territories when faced with their occupation by third parties or settlers.”

In the absence of this process, the settlers, mostly ex-soldiers operating under the Nicaraguan State’s tolerance, extract the natural assets of the communities for marketing purposes.

Despite the fact that the IACHR granted precautionary measures in favor of 12 communities on the Northern Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua and that the Inter-American Court of Human Rights ordered the State to adopt measures to guarantee the life, integrity, territory and cultural identity of seven of these communities, “as of today, there has yet to be an effective response from the State,” according to activists.

Increase in violence

Cunningham warned that violent actions by settlers have increased lately. For example, in February, two women from the community of Santa Clara were kidnapped by 25 armed settlers and forced to work cleaning beans under threat of death.

CEJUDHCAN has documented that between 2011 and 2018, a total of 34 community members have been killed, 44 injured, 25 kidnapped, and four disappeared in the context of the conflict.

Additionally, Cunningham said that the violence has generated a food crisis for members of the communities who cannot access their plots or perform other activities such as hunting and fishing. “In that sense, it has affected maternal health, access to education, and hindered access to the basic means necessary to sustain a dignified life,” the activist added.

According to a study conducted by CEJIL and CEJUDHCAN in 2018, about 23% of children on the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua suffer from chronic malnutrition and approximately 11% suffer from severe chronic malnutrition.

However, the acts of violence continue with impunity. Out of 65 complaints filed by CEJUDHCAN with the corresponding authorities, 49 were rejected.

Political participation neutralized

Nora Newball, representative of APIAN, an alliance created in 2015 to demand and monitor human rights violations against indigenous and Afro-descendant people, explained to the IACHR Commissioners that the State of Nicaragua has neutralized the civic and political leadership of its people and has installed parallel communal governments.

“In the recent regional elections (of 2019), the participation of the indigenous and ethnic population has decreased due to the high levels of invasion of settlers. 95.5% of councilors belong to national parties and only 4.5% belong to the indigenous party,” Newball said.

The human rights defender and political leader also highlighted that the State has seriously damaged forests and natural resources, with the deforestation caused by the Alba-Forestal company and the imposition of the Interoceanic Grand Canal. The private sector has also affected their communities through the expansion of the African palm, the advancement of the agricultural frontier, extensive cattle raising, and an increase of mining activity and fishing.

Request

Members of the civil society asked the IACHR and the international community to take all the necessary actions to stop the invasion of the territories in the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua and to ensure respect for the human rights of indigenous and Afro-descendant people.

In particular, they requested the IACHR to demand that the State of Nicaragua immediately cease the repression against indigenous and Afro-descendant people and the human rights defenders who participated in the hearing; to include this situation in Chapter IV(B) of its annual report; and to request the Follow-up Mechanism of Nicaragua (MESENI, for its initials in Spanish) to monitor the situation of indigenous and Afro-descendant people.

In addition, they asked the IACHR to urge the State of Nicaragua to establish a dialogue with the traditional authorities to implement the title-clearing process of the territories and to comply with the protection measures ordered for indigenous and Afro-descendant people, as well as to demand that the State of Nicaragua guarantee the right of indigenous people to choose their authorities according to their traditions and customs.

IACHR interested in visiting the Caribbean

After listening to the interventions of human rights defenders, the Rapporteur on the Rights of Afro-descendants and against Racial Discrimination, Commissioner Margarette May Macaulay, expressed her intention to visit the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua to “talk to the people, to make this situation more visible and more palpable.” She stressed that her visit would depend on the consent of the State, but remarked: “I hope to and I have the plan to do it if I can.”

The First Vice-President of the IACHR, Joel Hernández, assured that the Commissioners took note of the petitions raised by civil society and stressed that their role is key “in a context of a serious human rights situation, where an absence of the State and where the access to justice has dissipated.”

Other rapporteurs of the IACHR who were present at the hearing, including the Rapporteur for Nicaragua, Antonia Urrejola, and the Rapporteur on Economic, Social, Cultural and Environmental Rights, Soledad García Muñoz, showed a high level of interest in learning details about the situation of the indigenous and Afro-descendant people of the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua.

Race and Equality Condemns attack against Afro-colombian leaders

Photo by:  Verdad Abierta

Colombia. May 6, 2019. The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights strongly denounces the attack on the Afro-Colombian organization Black Communities Process (PCN, for its initials in Spanish) that occurred on Saturday, May 4th, in the North of Valle del Cauca. Social leaders of organization were attacked by armed men with gunshots and a grenade while they were holding a meeting in La Trinidad, Vereda Lomitas.

As an organization working on the defense of human rights, we condemn any aggression on human life, especially assaults that systematically threaten and end the lives of human rights defenders in Colombia.

During the first four months of 2019, 35 leaders were killed in Colombia. However, the State has not issued a strong response against many of these crimes.

We are aware of the valuable work for the defense of human rights carried out by Afro-Colombian organizations and their essential contribution to the construction of a peaceful and equal country. Therefore, we believe that the protection of Colombian leaders is necessary for a society that defends life, territory, equality, and justice.

We urgently call on the international community to continue speaking out and demanding that the Colombian State protect social leaders who face serious security threats throughout the country.

May 21st  of this year marks the 168th anniversary of the abolition of slavery in Colombia. This date is not only a good time to exalt the Afro-Colombians in a mediatic way, but a motive to take all necessary measures to make Colombia a truly inclusive country where the human rights of all citizens are guaranteed and where exercising the defense of life and peace is not a crime.

Seven Cases of Violence against LGBTI Persons Were Reported in Brazil at the End of April

The alarming numbers of cases of homicides, persecutions, harassment, and discrimination against LGBTI people in Brazil expose the obvious social and political crisis that makes it impossible to guarantee and protect the fundamental rights of historically disadvantaged and unrecognized social groups. From April 18-25, at least five (5) homicides of LGBTI persons occurred in Brazil, in addition to two assassination attempts, all of which were carried out with visible brutality.

Among these cases, at least four of them were of trans women, or travestis. Travesti is a gender identity that exists is some Latin American countries, like Brazil, and that describes people assigned male at birth who take on a feminine gender role and gender expression, sometimes through the use of feminizing body modifications such as hormone replacement therapy, breast implants, and silicone injections.

On April 18, the body of a travesti was found with marks of violence in Fortaleza, capital of Ceará. The police could not identify the victim.

On April 19, a travesti was shot in Foz do Iguaçu, in the state of Paraná. Through a video, it is evident that she had to walk in the street to get help at the Mobile Emergency Response Service (SAMU). She was shot by two men who were on a motorcycle. The men ran away soon after.

On April 21, a person named Bruneide was also shot in the city of Porto Velho, in Rondônia, by two men on a motorcycle. After the shots, both of them ran away. From the news reports, it is not clear how Bruneide self-identified.

Also on April 21, the travesti Rayssa was murdered in Caucaia, Ceará. The shots were discharged by two men and one of them hit her in the head. Rayssa died as a result of her wounds.

On the same day, the body of Antonio Marcos Joventino da Silva, a gay man, was found in the city of Camutanga, in Pernambuco. There were signs of stabbing and torture. Witnesses told police he had been involved in a bar fight the night before.

On April 24, Ari Ribeiro da Silva, an LGBTI activist, was stabbed to death in the city of Parauapebas, Pará. According to witnesses, Ari was seen in a bar accompanied by a man. They left the bar going toward the victim’s beauty salon, where the body was found. The suspect was arrested.

On April 25, the hairdresser John Steven Serna was found dead inside his house in Manaus, Amazonas. The victim was possibly struck by a knife in the chest and in the neck. The police reported that the objects of the residence were overturned and the body was in a room covered with sheets, with hands tied.

In the same week that all these attacks occurred to LGBTI individuals, Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro made a sexist and lgbtphobic speech in which he state that “Brazil cannot be a country of the gay world, gay tourism. We have families.” And, “whoever wants to come here to have sex with a woman, feel free.” The statement can be added to the president’s usual statements that encourage and approve violations of the rights of women, young people, Afro-descendants, and LGBTI persons.

The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights calls upon the Brazilian State to commit itself to creating a healthy environment for LGBTI people, as well as carrying out investigations so that this community can live without the constant threat of violence. Brazil is internationally obligated to guarantee the fundamental rights to life and personal integrity of LGBTI individuals.

Sete casos de violência a LGBTI foram reportados no Brasil la última semana de Abril

Leia aqui artigo em português

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About the autor:

Isaac Porto – LGBTI Consultant for Race and Equality in Brazil

Race and Equality Calls for Peace, Justice and Democracy for Venezuela

Colombia, 1st May 2019 – On April 30th, the interim President of Venezuela, Juan Guaidó, called on the Venezuelan population to join “Operation Freedom”, a massive demonstration to usher in what he himself describes as the “beginning of the end of the usurpation” of the Nicolás Maduro regime. Along with Guaidó, who issued the call in the early hours of the morning from the military base La Carlota in Caracas, was also the opposition figure Leopoldo López, who until yesterday was a political prisoner, and was freed from house arrest by defecting soldiers. The Maduro regime has described these actions as an attempted coup d’état.

In spite of this, the Venezuelan people took to the streets to demand the military forces to join them on the call for justice and freedom. However, the Police and National Guard, who are still allied to the Maduro regime, suppressed demonstrators of several cities by running over them, by using tear gas and rubber bullets, leaving dozens of people injured.

The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) strongly condemns the violence and repression carried out by Venezuelan authorities against the people who demand justice, democracy and freedom through their legitimate right to protest. We urge the Venezuelan State to put an end to the violence, to guarantee peace and the right to life, freedom of expression and opinion, as well as the personal integrity of the demonstrators who today call for democracy through the constitutional path.

We urgently call on the international community to continue speaking in the face of the serious human rights crisis that Venezuela is going through, which has left more than three million people displaced to different countries in the region, as reported by UNHCR Americas, as well as serious attacks to the fundamental rights of the people who continue to demand their freedom.

We continue demanding freedom, justice, and democracy for Nicaragua

Washington, DC, April 18, 2019 – Today marks one year since a genuine popular uprising began in Nicaragua led by young people, which has ended up changing the country’s direction in pursuit of three concrete demands: freedom for those who have been arbitrarily arrested and the reestablishment of constitutional freedoms, rights, and guarantees; justice for the victims of the repression [and] guarantees of reparations and non-repetition; and democracy for the country.

What has happened in Nicaragua

Twelve months ago, a group of mostly university students together with older people organized protests in the cities of León and Managua due to some reforms that were made to the Social Security Law without holding consultations.  The repression on April 18, 2018 against older people, youth, and journalists by government-aligned mobs and groups caused so much outrage on the part of the population that the protests expanded to several cities throughout the country.  However, the repression also escalated and began being committed with support from the police and parastatal entities utilizing weapons of war.  The first three deaths were reported on April 19.

Thus, during the first six months of the crisis, the violent State repression resulted in at least 325 people dead and another 2,000 injured, according to figures provided by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), an organ that installed the most extensive in-country mission in its history: from July through December, the Special Monitoring Mechanism for Nicaragua (MESENI) and the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (GIEI) recorded the incidents of violence and accompanied the victims until the government decided to shutter the former’s mission and not extend the latter’s mandate, as well as pressure it to immediately leave the country.

Through August, the IACHR missions worked jointly with a mission from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), which was itself thrown out of the country after presenting a report in which it confirmed that the State had abused its authority and caused extrajudicial executions, forced disappearances, arbitrary detentions, torture, and sexual violence.  The GIEI labeled those same incidents as crimes against humanity.

Fearing deadly violence, possible torture, or arrest, thousands of people fled the country: it is estimated that between 40,000 and 60,000 Nicaraguans went into exile in Costa Rica alone.

In the second six months of the crisis, the repression was selective.  The authorities arrested more than 700 people and hundreds of them were tried for crimes such as terrorism, assassination, robbery, [and] disrupting public order, simply for having participated in the protests.  That was followed by a ban against demonstrations of any kind by citizens in the opposition; the shuttering and confiscation of independent media and forced exile of tens of journalists in the face of imminent arrest; persecution and harassment of Nicaraguan human rights defenders and deportation of nationalized defenders; and arbitrary cancelation of the legal status of non-governmental organizations dedicated to protecting human [and] environmental rights or performing research.

In February of this year, a new attempt at establishing a dialogue has opened the way to a possible peaceful resolution to the crisis; however, while the government has committed to freeing all political prisoners, canceling the judicial proceedings against them, and respecting the citizen rights and guarantees that were revoked a year ago, these commitments have not been respected and the police continue to prohibit peaceful protests and maintain an intimidatory presence on the streets.

What do the Nicaraguan defenders have to say about this?

“It has been a year of pain, outrage, and impotence, a year in which the harshest and most depraved repression in our history has been unleashed,” note the defenders from the Centro Nicaragüense de Derechos Humanos [Nicaraguan Human Rights Center] (CENIDH).

Notwithstanding, they affirm that the crisis “has revealed the unflagging capacity of the Nicaraguan people to persist in its demand for justice,” as well as its high capacity for organization, “despite all of the victims, assaults, and latent threat of being assaulted by the National Police, paramilitaries, and shock troops.”

The Centro por la Justicia y Derechos Humanos de la Costa Atlántica de Nicaragua [Center for Justice and Human Rights of the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua] (CEJUDHCAN) also highlights that human rights violations continue in the country, and despite the fact that the agreements in the current negotiations have not been upheld by the government, the Center continues to believe that dialogue is necessary and urgent because the crisis in the country is unsustainable.

CEJUDHCAN believes that another issue that has not been included in the negotiations is justice for the indigenous peoples and Afro-descendants with regard to the violations of the indigenous peoples’ right to self-determination, lack of guarantees for indigenous people’s communal property, [and] vulnerability of defenders [and] indigenous community and territorial leaders, among others.

The Asociación Diversidad Sexual Nicaragüense [Nicaraguan Sexual Diversity Association] (ADISNIC) believes three issues of the utmost importance that should be prioritized in the current negotiations are “the return of international human rights bodies; restoration of legal status to civil society organizations who had it canceled; and a cessation of the persecution of defenders and activists.”

In order to comply with these agreements, the human rights organizations agree that it is necessary to be accompanied by international human rights organs such as the IACHR and OHCHR in order for the agreements established by the parties to materialize and inter-sectoral commissions to be created that include civil society, the government, and social movements that act as internal auditors regarding compliance of said agreements.

Nevertheless, CENIDH believes that “as long as there is no political will to guarantee and respect human rights, all of the demands of the Nicaraguan people will remain unsatisfied.”

The organizations recommend that the international community should support Nicaragua in the following ways: continue expounding upon, denouncing, and calling for a cessation of the repression within the framework of regional and international human rights legislation; act as an indispensable bridge in the search for a peaceful solution that guarantees compliance with the accords; continue the conversations in diverse international fora so as to generate greater commitments from other international actors; constantly follow and monitor the state of indigenous peoples’ human rights in Nicaragua; [and carry out] actions to support and monitor the situation of Nicaraguans who have been displaced to other countries, especially countries in the Central American region.

Other ways in which they can show support if the negotiations do not produce the expected results are to promote the application of the Inter-American Democratic Charter in the face of the lack of human rights guarantees and impacts on Nicaraguan democracy; activate extraordinary political and financial pressure mechanisms to confront the human rights crisis (including on the Caribbean Northern Coast of Nicaragua) that has yet to be declared by the national government; and [perform] actions to support and finance civil society organizations in the face of the closure of spaces and imposition of administrative and financial obstacles, so as to guarantee their work in defense of human rights.

Our stance

On this day, Race & Equality adds its voice to the cries for freedom, justice, and democracy for the Nicaraguan people.  We join the urgent call that broad sectors of the national and international communities have repeatedly issued to the State of Nicaragua to commit itself to the efforts undertaken by many sectors of society to reestablish peace and the rule of law that have been weakened since Daniel Ortega returned to power in 2007.

It is our desire that the solution to this conflict that has inflicted so much pain and financial loss on the Nicaraguan people be pursued through dialogue, by guaranteeing critical spaces for political participation, freedom of expression and association, and the full and effective enjoyment of the human rights enshrined in the Nicaraguan Constitution and international human rights instruments.

We call on the State of Nicaragua to have the guarantees of reparations and non-repetition serve as the emblem of the political will that is necessary to ensure that the crimes against humanity which have forever marked the history of the Nicaraguan people within the framework of this conflict do not go unpunished.  To that end, we believe the participation of the international community in the role of mediator is of the utmost importance in the negotiation spaces that have effectively been established in the country, especially in order to guarantee that the voices of the victims, exiled Nicaraguans, and historically invisible sectors are heard and taken into account as a part of the justice process that leads to the reestablishment of peace and democracy.

We urge the government of Nicaragua to establish the necessary conditions to put into practice the agreements that have already been reached by the negotiation roundtable regarding the enforceability of the rights inherent to all Nicaraguans.  To that end, we call for the release of the more than 700 political prisoners who have been arbitrarily detained and unjustly tried.  Likewise, we call for the cessation of the criminalization and harassment of political prisoners, so that their reincorporation into the life of society transpires with due guarantees of their fundamental rights, rather than under conditions of fear and persecution that threaten their integrity and life projects.

We urge the State to guarantee the legitimate right to freedom of expression, opinion, and social protest, participation mechanisms that guarantee societal equilibrium and therefore, q milieu that is favorable for democratic life.  Likewise, we demand that the social organizations, human rights defenders, independent media, and all other opinion leaders cease being victims of persecution, criminalization, and designation as “instigators of social unrest,” and are [instead] permitted to freely and fully participate in the discussion and dialogue as befits a pluralist and inclusive nation.  To that end, we urgently request that the right to freedom of association be guaranteed by restoring the legal status of independent civil society organizations that today are victims of the arbitrary decisions of the government of Daniel Ortega.

We issue a special call to the international community to continue monitoring the state of human rights in the Central American country, particularly at this time of supposed openness to dialogue and negotiation, so that truth, justice, reparations, and guarantees of non-repetition recognize the differentiated impacts the crisis has had on the lives of women, the indigenous population, Afro-descendants, and the LGBTI community, social groups that have historically and structurally been ‘invisibilized’ and marginalized and have become the target of multiple assaults within the context of the sociopolitical conflict that has yet to be resolved.

As an institution that works for the defense and recognition of human rights, Race & Equality dedicates itself to continue working to ensure that the voice of Nicaraguans is heard and effectively taken into account, and so that the crimes committed against those who gave their lives to defend freedom in Nicaragua do not go unpunished.

Remarks in Geneva: Need for International Guarantors to Ensure Respect for Human Rights in Nicaragua

Two Nicaraguan human rights defenders, a journalist, and the relative of a political prisoner discussed on April 4th in Geneva, the current state of the deterioration of human rights in their country and asked for more pressure to be exerted on the Nicaraguan government to permit international guarantors to guarantee the agreements that emerge from the negotiations between the government and civil society.

More than 40 diplomatic missions interested in knowing first-hand about the status of the crisis that began in April 2018 gathered at the event – “Rights, Reprisals, and Repression in Nicaragua” – hosted by the missions of the United States, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Georgia in the Palace of Nations at the UN.

As a result of violent State repression, 325 people have died and more than 2,000 have been injured, according to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR).  To date, at least 647 people continue imprisoned for having participated in civic protests.  In addition, media outlets have been shuttered, organizations declared illegal, and more than 50,000 people have had to flee the country to avoid becoming victims of the violence.

The event was moderated by Roger Carstens, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State from the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor; speakers included Paulo Abrão, Executive Secretary of the IACHR; Vilma Núñez, President of the Nicaraguan Center for Human Rights (CENIDH, for its initials in Spanish); Aníbal Toruño, Director of Radio Darío; and Winny Sobalvarro of the Committee in Favor of the Release of Political Prisoners in Nicaragua.

Carstens maintained that it is essential that “all prisoners who were detained for peacefully participating in opposition protests must be released; we want accountability for any crime committed against those prisoners and against all Nicaraguans during the last year,” and he went on to note that “the respect for human rights must be reinstated” in Nicaragua.

Abrão declared that without the presence of international guarantors, the relatives of the victims will not have any assurances that there will be compliance with the agreements assumed by the government: “They will have no assurance that exiles will be able to return to their country without fear and without reprisals, that the process of freeing political prisoners will follow correct protocols, that human rights organizations that were shuttered in the country will have their legal status reinstituted, and that freedom of the press will be restored along with the return of the assets of independent media and radio and television stations that were closed.”

Nor, according to Abrão, will it be possible to guarantee that “the electoral system will be able to produce new elections in the future that can be considered legitimate and that the country’s justice system will be in a position to fulfill and respond to the victims’ demand for the correct sanctions on those responsible for these grave human rights violations.”

Vilma Núñez, for her part, maintained that it has been vital for the human rights defenders and the citizenry in general to have the support of the international community, both in terms of the work of the international human rights protection mechanisms, as well as various countries’ commitment to democracy and human rights.

The Permanent Representative of Argentina to the UN Human Rights Council, Carlos Foradori, recalled that last March the delegations of Brazil, Canada, Costa Rica, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Paraguay, and Argentina presented Resolution L8, “Protection and Promotion of Human Rights in Nicaragua,” which was approved by the Council; its objectives are to include the state of human rights in that country on the international agenda and encourage the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, to periodically present information on Nicaragua to the Council.

“Our countries continue to monitor the sponsors so as to ensure a dialogue process in Nicaragua.  We believe that an inclusive and meaningful dialogue is the best way to make progress in guaranteeing a peaceful solution to the situation,” added Foradori.

Public Communiqué: we urge the Colombian State to immediately address the disappearance of Afro-Colombians exiled in Ecuador after being threatened

Bogotá, Colombia, March 4, 2019 – The International Institute on Race, Equality, and Human Rights (Race & Equality) joins its voice to the denunciation issued by the Asociación Nacional de Afrocolombianos Desplazados [National Association of Displaced Afro-Colombians] (AFRODES) to forcefully and urgently call on the Colombian State to immediately address the disappearance, since February 27 in Quito, Ecuador, of Plácido Tercero Escalante and Ana Gloria Cabezas, Afro-Colombian victims of forced displacement in Colombia and members of FUNDAFRO, an organization affiliated with the National Association of Displaced Afro-Colombians (AFRODES).

Plácido and Ana Gloria were forced to flee Colombia and request asylum in the neighboring country of Ecuador together with their families in January after receiving numerous threats and receiving no protection from Colombian authorities to guarantee their lives and [physical] integrity.

Erlendy Cuero, Vice President of AFRODES, notes that some days prior to their disappearance Ana Gloria and Plácido had denounced seeing in Quito the persons who had threatened them in their own territory, and for that reason were summoned to issue a declaration before the Office of the Public Prosecutor of Ecuador after they had reported their state of risk.  According to what AFRODES reports, since that day the whereabouts of the two popular social leaders have been unknown.

We strongly condemn what has transpired [and] urge the Colombian State to immediately address the situation of defenselessness and lack of guarantees confronted by popular social sectors that are immersed in an ongoing war in territories being fought over by illegal groups.  Likewise, we urge the international community to publicly denounce the systematic state of risk in which Colombia’s ethnic peoples find themselves, as they are particularly impacted by the social, political, and economic conflict faced by the country.  In addition, we urge Colombian State authorities to act promptly in order to find Ana and Plácido alive.

Lucía Pineda, Nicaraguan journalist apprehended for her reporting, receives precautionary measures from the IACHR

Washington, DC, February 22, 2019 – Nicaraguan journalist Lucía Pineda Ubau, Head of the Editorial Office of Canal 100% Noticias [100% News Channel], this Friday received precautionary measures from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), in light of that body’s belief that her rights to life and physical integrity are “in a state of grave risk.”

Pineda Ubau, 45 years old, is currently detained in the La Esperanza [The Hope] Women’s Penitentiary System and faces a trial for the crimes of provocation, proposition, and conspiracy to commit terrorist acts in which due process guarantees have not been respected.

According to the information received by the IACHR, the initial persecution of the journalist and her subsequent detention and trial “would be presumed retaliation for the exercise of her journalistic activities and right to freedom of expression.”

The journalist denounced through 100% Noticias “the repression by the National Police to disband the protests, as well as multiple detentions, denunciations of torture, disappearances, and allegedly arbitrary trials that were initiated against protesters,” highlights the IACHR.

Through its Resolution No. 873-18, the IACHR asks the State of Nicaragua to adopt the necessary measures to guarantee the rights to life and physical integrity of Pineda and her nuclear family, whose identity the IACHR reserves.

Specifically, it asks the State to ensure that prison agents respect the journalist’s rights “pursuant to standards established by international human rights law,” given that it is known that Pineda has been submitted to at least 30 interrogations lasting several hours with the goal of recording a video of her asking President Daniel Ortega for forgiveness.

They are also asking the State to ensure that the conditions in which Lucía Pineda Ubau are detained adhere to international standards.

Since being detained, Pineda has reported to her defense attorney that she sleeps on the floor, receives no food, and has nothing with which to clean herself, which has resulted in a skin illness.  In addition, the lack of a toilet in her cell forces her to go to the bathroom in a manner that offends her human dignity.

The IACHR asked the State to provide the appropriate medical attention to Lucía Pineda and to facilitate her access to her legal representatives and visits from her family, given these have been limited to date.

Lucía Pineda is one of at least 60 female political prisoners being held by the government of Nicaragua.  It is estimated that 765 people have been incarcerated for demanding justice and democracy from Nicaraguan authorities.

Antecedentes

Since governmental repression began against protesting citizens in April 2018, Canal 100% Noticias has denounced the ongoing violence in the country.  Lucía Pineda, as the Director of Communications for the media outlet, gained visibility for her journalistic work on the program 100% Entrevistas [100% Interviews], which in turn exposed her to threats, attacks, and even a campaign against her aimed at stigmatizing her.

On December 21 of last year, several weapons-wielding police patrols broke into the offices of the TV outlet 100% Noticias at night.  In the operation, they dismantled and removed journalistic equipment and illegally detained the channel’s director, Miguel Mora, his wife, journalist Verónica Chávez, and Pineda.  All of them were transferred to the Dirección de Auxilio Judicial [Directorate of Judicial Aid] (DAJ) and it was not until 72 hours later that the authorities informed their relatives as to their whereabouts.  During that time, Chávez was released.

Mora and his relatives had received precautionary measures from the IACHR just eight days before his detention, as did journalist Leticia Gaitán.  The latter had to flee the country to guarantee her personal freedom.

On the same day as Mora and Pineda were detained, the Instituto Nicaragüense de Telecomunicaciones y Correos [Nicaraguan Institute of Telecommunications and Mail] (TELCOR) suspended the TV outlet.  To date, the [TV channel’s] offices remain broken into, shuttered, and guarded by police agents, while the [channel’s] frequency was awarded to another TV channel.

Political Prisoners in Nicaragua: Three Campesinos Sentenced to 216, 210, and 159 Years in Prison

Washington, DC, February 18, 2019 – Medardo Mairena and Pedro Mena, two leaders of the Movimiento Campesino [Campesino Movement] arrested in July for demanding justice and democracy from the government of Nicaragua after the brutal governmental repression of civic protests, were sentenced today to 216 and 210 years in jail, sentences that are considered excessive for defendants in Nicaragua, given that life sentences do not exist in that country and the maximum sentence permitted under the [Nicaraguan] Constitution is 30 years.

The campesinos had been declared guilty on December 17, 2018 of the crimes of terrorism, organized crime, assassination, simple kidnapping, robbery, and hindering public services.  The defense lawyers who represented the campesinos, as well as experts in this field, viewed it as the end of a trial lacking guarantees, filled with contradictions, false witnesses, and evidence tampering.

According to local media, the sentence was announced by Judge Edgard Altamirano of the Ninth Criminal Trial District of Managua, who additionally sentenced a third campesino by the name of Luis Pineda Icabalzeta to 159 years in prison.

In December, a fourth defendant named Silvio Saúl Pineda Bonilla was declared not guilty of the crimes of which he had been accused.

The lawyer defending Mairena and Mena, Julio Montenegro of the Comisión Permanente de Derechos Humanos [Permanent Commission on Human Rights] (CPDH), declared last December to local media that Judge Altamirano “had the ruling already prepared,” which he read immediately following the closing arguments.

Mairena, Mena, and Pineda are some of the more than 760 political prisoners recorded by the Comité Pro Liberación de Presos y Presas Políticas de Nicaragua [Committee in Favor of Freeing Nicaraguan Political Prisoners] up through February of this year.  These three campesinos bring the total to more than 140 political prisoners who have already been sentenced.  Their crime, affirm their relatives, has been to protest with the flag of Nicaragua in their hands.

Who are they?

Mairena represented campesinos in the Civic Alliance for Justice and Democracy, a group of citizens, students, businesspersons, and activists who participated in the National Dialogue with the Government to seek a way out of the socio-political and human rights crisis that by May had left 56 dead. As of this writing, State repression has left at least 325 dead, more than 2,000 people injured, and more than 50,000 who have sought refuge in Costa Rica.

In addition, Medardo was the coordinator of the National Council in Defense of the Land, the Lake, and Sovereignty, a group of campesinos who have fought since 2014 for the repeal of Law 840 that grants a Chinese company permission to build and operate an interoceanic canal that would destroy dozens of rural communities in Nicaragua.

Mena also belonged to the Civic Alliance for Justice and Democracy, serving as an advisor to Mairena, and was part of the campesino movement opposed to the canal project.

According to the Public Prosecutor’s accusation, quoted by the newspaper La Prensa, Medardo Mairena was the head of a “criminal group” that guided the creation of roadblocks in Boaco, Chontales, Nueva Guinea, and Río San Juan to prevent the normal operation of transportation and commit various crimes. In addition, he is accused of being the mastermind of the murder of five police officers and a civilian in the municipality of Morrito, in Río San Juan on July 12, 2018.

Although Medardo Mairena openly supported the creation of barricades or roadblocks, they were actually installed by the campesino movement, students, and citizens throughout the country as a form of civic protest against governmental repression. Residents of Morrito, according to the digital media outlet Confidencial, attribute the assassinations to parapolice officers allied with the government who attacked a peaceful march that same day. Relatives of Mairena and Mena say they are being criminalized for actively participating in demonstrations against the regime of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo, as well as for the public demands for justice and democracy that were issued as a result of acts of repression committed since April 2018.

Detention

Medardo Mairena and Pedro Mena were at the Augusto C. Sandino International Airport in Managua when they were arrested on July 13 without an arrest warrant. From there, the police took them to the Directorate of Judicial Assistance (DAJ), better known as “El Chipote” [The Smack].

The police issued a statement announcing that they had arrested Mairena “when he tried to flee the country.” The campesino leader’s brother, Alfredo Mairena, assured Confidencial that Medardo and Pedro were heading to Los Angeles, United States for a meeting in solidarity with the campesino movement. The police did not explain why they had also arrested Mena.

The police statement directly labeled Medardo “a terrorist” and “leader” of a criminal organization.

Judicial process

Four days after their arrest, a judge in Managua held a preliminary hearing against Mairena and Mena behind closed doors, according to the newspaper La Prensa. Following this hearing, the two leaders were transferred to the La Modelo [The Model] Prison System, where they have been continuously tortured. On July 25, the director of the CPDH, Marcos Carmona, denounced that the leaders were being beaten continuously by a prison official known as “El Chacal” [The Jackal].

After an initial hearing on August 15, the trial of Medardo, Mena, and Pineda was rescheduled three times and finally held on November 13. The defense alleged a “delay of justice,” and during those months of waiting, the torture and inhuman and degrading treatment continued.

Julio Montenegro commented on November 6 to journalists that since the campesino leaders were transferred to La Modelo, they remained in a cell known as “El Infiernillo” [The Hotplate], a small space with little ventilation and no light. In addition, he reported that the presence of insects, scorpions, cockroaches, and mosquitos was continuous, and the food provided was “wretched.”

After nine days of trial, the process concluded on December 17 with a ruling of criminal responsibility issued against the three campesinos. Neither the delegates of the Special Monitoring Mechanism for Nicaragua (MESENI, for its initials in Spanish) of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) nor Nicaraguan human rights organizations were allowed to attend any of the hearings, despite the fact that Nicaraguan law establishes that hearings must be open to the public.

The tests and witnesses

CPDH lawyer Julio Montenegro confirmed on December, during a press conference, that no evidence presented by the Office of the Public Prosecutor – whether images, audio, or video – demonstrated overwhelmingly that Medardo Mairena had directed any actions against the police or that he had organized barricades or roadblocks.

Furthermore, Montenegro said the video that purported to be the most important evidence held by the prosecutors was in fact a sequence of three different scenes that “do not fit together.” “In the first scene, Medardo is on a cobblestone street with a group of people with blue and white flags; the second one is spliced together with a group of people who are in a crosswalk carrying red and black flags; and the third image shows a pitched battle in which Medardo Mairena does not appear.”

There were also serious contradictions among several of the 45 witnesses presented by the Prosecutor’s Office, all of whom were public officials. “One of the witnesses was made to read what he was going to declare from a giant screen,” Montenegro said.

On the ninth day of the trial, the Mairena and Mena defense presented three witnesses and a video that revealed that the day of the incidents in Morrito, Mairena was participating in a march in Managua.

Montenegro said back in December that he would file an appeal, wherein he will first question the validity of the trial due to innumerable anomalies in the process.

*A prior version of this article on December 19, 2018 was published when the campesinos were declared guilty.  This new version has been updated with the sentences they were given.

Main photo taken from El19Digital Website

The International Institute on Race, Equality, and Human Rights (Race & Equality) views the sentencing of Medardo Mairena and Pedro Mena, as well as the detention and irregular trials of those accused in the protests of April 2018 and subsequent months, as part of the response of the Nicaraguan government to the civic protests that began eight months ago.

The above was characterized by the OHCHR in its Report “Violations of Human Rights and Abuses” as follows:

“The overall response of the authorities to the protests did not meet the applicable standards for the proper management of demonstrations, in violation of international human rights law . . .”

In addition, the trials, sentences, and persecution and repression now prevailing in Nicaragua targeting various sectors must be assessed by taking into account what has been said by the OHCHR in its aforementioned report:

“Instead of recognizing any responsibility for the social catastrophe, the government has blamed social and opposition leaders, human rights defenders, and the media for what it has termed ‘coup violence,’ the negative impact of the political crisis on the national economy, and the 197 deaths that have been officially recognized…”

Race & Equality calls for the immediate release of political prisoners and for the State of Nicaragua to accept its responsibility for the violence unleashed by the authorities that has left at least 325 people dead, including 24 children. Race & Equality calls on the State of Nicaragua to ensure truth, justice, and reparation for the victims.

More than 60 female political prisoners have been subjected to different forms of violence in Nicaragua

February 14th, 2019. Around 68 female political prisoners of the Government of Nicaragua are facing different forms of violence, including violation of guarantees of due process, cruel and inhuman treatment, discrimination, sexual violence, lack of medical attention, threats, and harassment. This situation was denounced yesterday by representatives of civil society during the private hearing “Human Rights Situation of Women Deprived of Liberty in Nicaragua,” held in Bolivia during the 171st session of the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (IACHR).

Among the speakers during the private audience were representatives of the Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality), the Center for Health Information and Advisory Services (CISAS, for its initials in Spanish) and the Nicaraguan Center for Human Rights (CENIDH, for its initials in Spanish). The latter two organizations had their legal status arbitrarily invalidated by the Nicaraguan Assembly, which has left the victims of the repression that these organizations attended defenselessness.

Due to a lack of information from authorities, there are no official figures on the numbers of female political prisoners in Nicaragua. However, data collected by the Nicaraguan Initiative of Women Human Rights Defenders (IN-Defensoras) and the Registration Commission of the Blue and White National Unity (UNAB, for its initials in Spanish), suggest that 102 women have been arbitrarily arrested by police and paramilitaries since the protests against the government began 10 months ago. From that total, there is information that 68 woman are still detained. Of those, 40 are being prosecuted and 17 have already been convicted with sentences ranging from 6 months to 40 years of prison.

Additionally, 26 women are detained in the La Esperanza women’s prison, three are under house arrest and the rest are detained in the Judicial Assistance Department (DAJ, for its initials in Spanish), better known as ‘El Chipote,’ or in departmental police delegations.

Inhuman and degrading treatment

“La Esperanza penitentiary has been a cell of isolation and punishment. The blackmail, verbal abuse, and even physical abuse in some cases have been recurrent by the prison authorities,” the mother of one of the political prisoners said during the audience. She added that “inside (the prison) they are totally isolated from the rest of female inmates and they are treated as if they have a disease.”

Ana Quirós, director of CISAS, also pointed out that the 26 female political prisoners detained in La Esperanza are jammed into two cells that were originally designed for 8 prisoners each, which have a single bathroom.

According to Quirós, all the female political prisoners “live with permanent anxiety, facing threats and receiving constant visits by armed men with dogs” as a means of intimidation. In addition, many times they are taken out of the penitentiary without being informed where they are being taken, “so they live with the fear of being disappeared.”

Sexual violence

Another manifestation of repression committed by the authorities and mainly directed towards women is sexual violence. Quirós explained that the female political prisoners have been forced to strip naked and perform squats in front of their male captors, have been victims of inappropriate and obscene contact, have received threats of rape, and have been raped with penetration. All of the above situations have been used as a method of torture to obtain information or to force the woman to film incriminating videos against opposition leaders.

Restrictions on health

The prison authorities have also denied medical care and access to medical treatment to inmates with health issues such as depression and anxiety, infections due to overcrowding and poor hygiene conditions, migraines, gastritis and hypertension.

“There are some woman with more serious problems and whose treatment is urgent, such as Ruth Matute, who has a congenital heart disease; Brenda Muñoz, who suffers from hepatic and renal polycystic disease; and Delmis Portocarrero, who has lupus erythematosus and hypertension,” Quirós told the representatives of the IACHR.

She also mentioned other cases such as that of Mercedes Chavarría, who has paralysis of half of her body; Ana Hooker, who has only one kidney and as a result suffers from hypertension, fluid retention and hypothermia; and the case of Irlanda Jerez, who suffers from heart problems and had a mitral valvuloplasty.

Discrimination against LGBTI people

A representative of a Nicaraguan organization that promotes the rights of the LGBTI population  denounced that as of today, there are three transgender women who are detained in male prisons, including the students Victoria Obando and Kysha López.

“These women have been denied their right to gender identity, relegating them to prisons for men where they suffer discrimination, harassment, violence, and torture; and where they’re forced to undress in front of hundreds of men in the prison. They are shouted by the officials of the penitentiary system that ‘there are only virile man’ in there,” the activist exposed.

Violations of due process

Ana Bolaños, a lawyer at Race and Equality, pointed out the violations of the due process rights of the political prisoners in Nicaragua.

Women “have been arrested without arrest warrants, without charges by the Public Prosecutor’s Office or any lawsuits against them,” said Bolaños, adding that after their arrest, the prisoners are illegally remitted in their capacity as detainees to the cells of ‘El Chipote in Managua, where they have been subjected to extensive and repeated interrogations and different forms of violence.

“These actions have demonstrated the coordinated work among the organs that form the Criminal Justice System of Nicaragua, particularly the National Police, the Public Prosecutor’s Office and the Judiciary,” she stated.

More than 700 political prisoners

In addition to the 68 women deprived of liberty, the Registration Commission of the UNAB and the Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners count 700 men who have been imprisoned in the context of the current crisis of human rights in that Central American country.

Since April 2018, Nicaragua has been submerged in a serious human rights crisis that has continued to intensified. During the last two months, the government has been silencing dissenting voices and the violence is more selectively manifested towards human rights defenders, women, journalists, independent media, LGBTI persons, and civil society organizations.

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