Os caça-níqueis com tema de dinheiro e recompensas continuam entre os favoritos dos jogadores brasileiros, e não é difícil entender o motivo: visuais chamativos, mecânicas simples e a promessa de multiplicadores generosos criam uma experiência divertida mesmo para quem está começando no mundo dos slots online.

O Сash mania segue essa linha, trazendo um layout colorido, símbolos clássicos de cassino e rodadas bônus que podem aumentar significativamente os ganhos durante a sessão de jogo. A jogabilidade é intuitiva, com controles simples de aposta e giro automático disponíveis para quem prefere um ritmo mais rápido.

A volatilidade do jogo tende a ser moderada, equilibrando ganhos frequentes de menor valor com a chance ocasional de rodadas bônus mais recompensadoras. Isso torna o slot acessível tanto para quem joga por diversão quanto para quem busca sessões mais longas com um saldo controlado.

Como em qualquer jogo de cassino online, é recomendável testar a versão demo antes de apostar dinheiro real, além de verificar se o cassino escolhido para jogar possui licença válida e processos de pagamento transparentes.

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Lesbian Rebellions: encounter of lesbian voices from Brazil and Colombia

“Lesbians against war! Lesbians against capitalism! Lesbians against racism! Lesbians against neoliberal terrorism!” It was with these words of liberation that on February 2007, during the 7th Forum of Feminist Lesbians from Latin America and the Caribbean, October 13 was anointed the day of Lesbian Rebellions (1).  During this meeting of anti-patriarchal struggle, with close to 200 feminist lesbian women from various countries, the General Assembly of the Forum decided to collectively honor the 1st Regional Forum of Feminist Lesbians which took place in Mexico, on October 13, 1987.

According to Angelina Marín, lesbian feminist activist of the collective Moiras, October 13 was consecrated as witch day and also represents the day of the arrival of the colonizers to indigenous lands. Marín pronounced this during her speech in Santiago, Chile’s city square, in a meeting with other lesbian feminists to celebrate this day (2). The day rallies feminist lesbian collectives and organizations around the region to celebrate lesbian existence through art and culture as an act of rebellion against the oppressions imposed by a patriarchal system that oppresses the existence of those that defy a cis-heteronormative society.

To honor these women’s bodies who persist and resist the erasure of their identities and their political expressions, the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) invited lesbian women from Brazil and Colombia to share their voices, views and experiences on the meaning of this day and the challenges they face in their countries. Know their rebellious stories.

Colombia

 For María Vélez, an activist from Caribe Afirmativo, “this 13th of October is a day to remember and thank our older lesbian sisters for the struggle they began years ago. From naming, to self- recognition, to cohabitation of same-sex couples—these were the first steps so that today we can enjoy the recognition of these rights.”

María draws attention to the fact that lesbian rebellions pose challenges, especially in a country marked by an armed conflict like Colombia. These are adversities that make lesbian women constantly experience situations of intimate private violence, forced displacement, gang rape and forced pregnancy. She emphasizes that because it is a multi-cultural and multi-ethnic country, in all these indigenous and Black identities, structural racism and machismo are embedded.

“Therefore, being indigenous and LGBTI or Afro-LGBTI, we face oppression inside our own communities and a particular type of violence in each territory. When you are a lesbian and Afrodescendant the violence takes a particular form related to the exotic nature of our identity and the sexualization of our bodies as Black women. Society considers that if you are a Black woman then you must be heterosexual, otherwise it does not suit us.”

Sami Arazabaleta, an activist from the NGO Somos Identidad, highlights the importance of lesbian women recognizing themselves as sexual beings that admire their own bodies outside of the heteronormative and machista norms. “Lesbian Rebellions are a necessary call to make lesbians visible, we refuse to continue being invisible from the “homosexual” global norm. We have learned that what is not named does not exist. A Lesbian Rebellion is to be and to love a woman face to face.”

Lesbian Rebellions are also an act of repudiation to the binary, feminist lesbians denounce that the binary way of seeing and being in the world confines lesbians to certain stereotypes. As an act of liberation, Lesbian Rebellions proclaim that their bodies exist for themselves, in a relationship of interdependence and (co)existence with nature. Sami translates her rebellion into poetry: “lesbian love is sublime, it allows women to be loved and recognized without male approval. I am a lesbian because I love myself and I love a woman!”

Brazil

The filmmaker, Naira Évine, activist from the Levante Negro collective, reflects that the affirmation of lesbian existence within the audiovisual industry is already an act of rebellion. “Because we are going against every heterosexual and cis-heteronormative system that makes a point of erasing our existence. It makes a point that our memory is not passed from generation to generation, that our stories are not told, that our perspectives are not commented or filmed. So, when a lesbian filmmaker, and in my case, a Black woman, makes sure that all these demarcations are placed on the agenda and are also spoken about and respected, I think that is being a rebellious woman,” she says.

In 2019, Naira launched the short film “O dia em que resolvi voar” (3) (The day I decided to fly, in English) which portrays lesbian stories. She re-enforces that films made by lesbian women, that talk about lesbian experiences and that have a racialized perspective, or not, of a lesbian woman, and are Latin American, is already a great act of rebellion. The filmmaker recalls that lesbians are diverse and deserve respect, a dignified life, a healthy and well-lived life, within the scope of basic human rights. Therefore, they resist when they insist that their existences be understood and respected.

“I don’t think there is a single way to be a lesbian, a way to demonstrate your sexual orientation. Oftentimes the closet is a place of protection, it is a place of self-defense and being inside the closet does not always mean cowardice. Sometimes it is also very courageous not to talk about it; there are many cases. There is no one way to dream of a more egalitarian society. This society would be conglomeration of the existence of several lesbians, bisexuals, homosexuals and the diverse experiences of different social groups. We are surrounded by lesbian rebels! Glad this day exists! Let us celebrate more and talk more about these brave women!” she says.

Camila Carmo, professor, investigator, writer and activist of the LesbiBahia collective, stresses that when thinking about what lesbian rebellions would look like in a country like Brazil, the construction of a political project that is emancipatory for all women and that defies the heterosexual system is key. As a Black, lesbian woman, she understands that “being a lesbian woman in Brazil is dealing everyday with racism, machismo, sexism and also putting myself in those movements of re(existence) for the construction of other modes of existence.” (4)

Camila also points to the structural issues of racism, poverty and femicide that are present within the cis-heteronormative system and how that is aggravated in territories marked by dictatorships and colonial invasions. “I think that the challenge has to do with removing attacks against indigenous people and the exploitation of people, animals and nature. This reflection goes through us and defines us all, even though I say ‘I’. Because when I say ‘I’, I am also talking about us. I do not believe alliances are possible outside a collective, so our big challenge is to think about how to act collectively, respecting differences and individualities,” she analyses.

Based on the stories of these inspiring rebellious lesbians, Race and Equality supports the defiance that comes from the strengthening of affective bonds between women and nature, between human rights and disobedience as a rupture with colonialism. We re-enforce our commitment to make visible the agenda and voices that represent Latin America, in alliance with activists and civil society organizations, and will denounce violations that affect the peaceful construction of a democratic society.

Race and Equality recommends that States in the region:

  1. Make all the necessary efforts to combat lesbofobia within their society, foster actions that promote and respect sexual diversity, and combat prejudice and discrimination;
  2. Create public policies to combat lesbofobia in the educational sphere and inhibit any initiatives that seek to prohibit debates around race, gender, and sexuality in schools and universities;
  3. Sign and ratify the Interamerican Convention against Racism, Racial Discriminations and other Related Forms of Intolerance and the Interamerican Convention against all forms of Discrimination and Intolerance.

[1]  http://feministautonoma.blogspot.com/2007/10/13-de-octubre-da-de-rebeldas-lesbianas.html

[2]  http://feministautonoma.blogspot.com/2007/10/13-de-octubre-da-de-rebeldas-lesbianas.html

[3] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FYjs54EfwxY&t=26s&ab_channel=Naira%C3%89vine

[4] On the concept of (re) existences, Camila makes reference to Professor Ana Lúcia da Silva Souza.

Nicaragua: Attacks and reprisals escalate during September

Washington, D.C., October 6, 2020. Attacks and reprisals against Nicaragua’s former political prisoners, political opposition members, young people, human rights defenders, journalists, and indigenous and Afro-descendant people all increased in severity during September. Three government-backed efforts were also launched that threaten to cut off the ability of civil society to protect and promote human rights.

The first such effort is the call to apply a sentence of life in prison to “hate crimes,” a term defined in the broadest and vaguest sense. Not only would this effort fail to respond to the reality of violence against women and girls, President Daniel Ortega has signaled that he would use this power against opposition figures, who he has called “murderers,” “traitors,” “cowards,” and “torturers.”

The governing Sandinista party has also introduced the Law to Regulate Foreign Agents, which would require citizens and NGOs who receive any resources from foreign governments, agencies, foundations, or other sources to register as “foreign agents.” The proposed law would forbid these “foreign agents” from intervening in domestic politics or financing any other group that does so. They would also be barred from public office and from working for public entities. Those who refuse to register would risk confiscations and even criminal prosecution.

These two initiatives represent a serious threat to the viability of the political opposition, to the work of human rights defenders, and in particular to independent journalism, a field in which several leading outlets rely on international cooperation to survive. They indicate a willingness by the current government to use any tactics, including imprisoning those who dissent, to remain in power.

On September 28th, a proposed Special Law on Cybercrime was introduced, seeking to punish unacceptable social media posts with penalties from 1 to 4 years in prison and criminalizing the use of information technology to obtain data, documents, or information from public institutions or the banking and financial system. This law aims to clamp down on leaks that reveal the abuses of Nicaraguan authorities, which the government routinely discredits and dismisses as “fake news.”

These three efforts will lead to an even more severe deterioration of Nicaraguans’ ability to demand democracy, human rights, and freedom of expression, the press, and information. As was the case with the Anti-Terrorism Law, which introduced new crimes defined in vague terms, these efforts give wide discretion to the authorities, allowing for arbitrary prosecutions that carry severe consequences for their targets.

The right to life

Nicaragua was shaken by the rape and murder of two girls in Lisawe, Mulukuku in the Northern Carribbean Autonomous Region. Shortly thereafter, on September 17th, a 20-year-old pregnant woman was murdered in Ayapal. In August, the number of femicides in 2020 had already risen to 50. President Ortega specifically denounced the Lisawe incident and used it to promote his effort to impose life sentences for “hate crimes.”

Political prisoners

Prison authorities continue to use solitary confinement arbitrarily, giving out indefinite punishments without the legally-required reviews. Student leader Kevin Solis, for example, remains isolated in a maximum-security cell at Jorge Navarro Prison (also known as Prison #300) in Tipitapa, while the political prisoner John Cerna has been held in confinement and subject to torture for shouting “Viva Nicaragua Libre!” in prison.

Reports of torture and other rights violations continue to emerge from Nicaraguan prisons, without any response or investigation by the authorities.

Reprisals against journalists

Police harassment against Radio Darío also persisted in September. On the 12th, multiple police cars parked outside the station to intimidate its staff.

Kalúa Salazar, news chief at Radio La Costeñísima in Bluefields, was found guilty of “calumny” on September 23rd in an unfair trial. The prosecutor requested an exorbitant fine during sentencing.

The television station Channel 12, one of two remaining cable channels that maintains an independent editorial policy, remains under receivership while authorities claim that it owes a 21 million-Córdoba (US$600,000) debt.

Attacks on the women’s movement

On September 25th, police surrounded the offices of the María Elena Cuadra Working and Unemployed Women’s Movement in Managua, preventing its staff from entering for several hours. The organization’s director, Sandra Ramos, stated that she would not be frightened by such tactics and that authorities sought to retaliate against her for challenging the government’s authority in the realm of women workers’ rights.

That same day, police detained two members of the La Corriente Feminist Movement. At least a dozen officers surrounded the woman, demanded personal information, and threatened them when they saw that the women were carrying materials with the Movement’s logo.

Political persecution

Various efforts to organize the political opposition have been met with police and para-police repression. On September 26th and 27th, a wave of violence was unleased against over a hundred opposition members and activists, including the breaking up of meetings, five arbitrary detentions, five raids of opposition members’ homes, and six cases of property seizure.

Reports on social media confirmed repression was felt in Managua, Río San Juan, and Chinandega. Police shut down a meeting of the National Coalition, detained the executive director of the Civil Alliance Juan Sebastian Chamorro and the Rama Kriol Territorial Government leader Jaime McCrea, and rounded up 17 indigenous and Afro-descendant citizens at the Indio Maiz protected territory.

Colombian civil society reveals the vulnerability of indigenous peoples, Afro-descendant communities, campesinas, and social leaders victimized by the armed conflict

Bogotá, October 5, 2020.- At a thematic hearing of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), Colombian civil society organizations presented reports on the vulnerability of indigenous peoples, Afro-descendant communities, campesinas, and social leaders who were previously victimized by Colombia’s armed conflict to human rights violations. The presenting organizations asked to IACHR to deepen its efforts to support the implementation of the Colombian Peace Accords, especially Chapter 6.2 on ethnic minority groups, known as the “Ethnic Chapter,” and the Collective Reparations Program established by Law 1448 (2011) and Decree 4635 (2011).

The hearing, entitled “Reports of vulnerability among Colombian armed conflict victims: indigenous, Afro-descendant, and campesino communities and social leaders,” was requested by a coalition of organizations, including the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality). Representatives from the State of Colombia also took part in the hearing.

The Ethnic Chapter at risk

Together with Race and Equality, the Ethnic Commission for Peace and Defense of Territorial Rights presented an analysis on Colombia’s failure to implement the Ethnic Chapter, emphasizing that serious human rights violations have resulted from this failure. “The current government has been sabotaging the implementation of the Peace Accords and preventing the consolidation of peace and territorial rights to which ethnic groups are entitled,” stated Pedro León Cortés, an advisor to the Race and Equality office in Colombia.

Participants pointed out that, according to a recent report by the Kroc Institute (an international organization monitoring the Peace Accords’ implementation), barely 8% of the Ethnic Chapter’s commitments have been implemented, while other guarantees in the Accord, including mechanisms for protecting ancestral territories, have seen backsliding.

The organizations denounced disputes between illegal armed groups for control of land that rightfully belongs to Afro-descendant, indigenous, and campesino communities. These disputes, which the authorities have been unable to check, have resulted in the forced displacement of 30,000 people between November 2019 and June 2020. “Regarding the National Program for Substituting Illicit Crops, there is evidence of a strategy to undermine the voluntary eradication and crop substitution programs,” they added.

For Colombian civil society, these delays and omissions represent a failure to act on the fundamental principal of the Ethnic Chapter: the right to free, prior, and informed consent. However, they applauded efforts to apply an ethnic-sensitive approach in some areas of the peace process, particularly the Truth Commission and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (the transitional justice mechanism trying conflict-related abuses).

Collective Reparations

Luz Marina Becerra, secretary general of the National Association of Displaced Afro-Colombians (AFRODES) and president of the Coordination of Displaced Afro-Colombian Women’s Resistance (Las Comadres), brought up official data on the implementation of the Collective Reparation Program established by Law 1448 (known as the Victims’ Law) in 2011. She pointed out that as of March 2020, 755 approved recipients of collective reparations were recorded in the official registry, of which 482 were ethnic communities. Despite this predominance of ethnic minorities among conflict victims, however, 78% of ethnic communities who have applied for recognition are still in the initial phases of the process and only 10% have actually begun to have their reparations implemented.

“To date, no applicant from an ethnic community has completed the process of reparations. We consider this lack of implementation to be a grave problem that is compromising the effective enjoyment of conflict victims’ rights,” she said.

Becerra mentioned weaknesses in inter-agency and federal-local cooperation, technical delays in developing reparations plans, long delays, and budgetary shortfalls as institutional barriers to reparations. In the post-conflict period, she stated, 392 cases of forced displacement affecting 130,079 people have taken place. 47% of these victims belong to ethnic communities. Meanwhile, 1,203 attacks against social leaders have taken place.

Crisis in Chocó

The Afro-descendant rights defender Luis Ernesto Olave submitted a report on the humanitarian crisis in Chocó department, reporting that President Iván Duque’s Peace and Legality program “has impeded the search for peaceful coexistence and a negotiated end to the conflict, allowing dissident FARC members to continue illegal activity while the ELN [an armed rebel group] and the Gaitanista Self-Defense Group [a paramilitary group] also remain present.”

Olave stressed that in Chocó’s Afro-descendant and indigenous communities, illegal groups confine people to their homes, forcibly displace them, and recruit young people through forced recruitment or promised rewards. Illicit coca cultivation and trafficking in drugs, weapons, and people are all on the rise, as are murders of social leaders. This year alone, 350 families have been forcibly displaced from the community of Alto Baudó, 66 from Medio Baudó, and 10 from Baja Baudó.

Recommendations

Implementation of the Ethnic Chapter

The organizations recommended that the State of Colombia immediately take steps to ensure the effective implementation of the Ethnic Chapter. These steps include strengthening the High-Level Special Board of Ethnic Peoples (a body made up of community representatives that coordinates with the government) and complying with pending Constitutional Court orders to respond to violence in ethnic territories. They also recommended that the IACHR prioritize efforts to monitor implementation of the Peace Accords.

Collective reparations

Participants recommended that the government develop a comprehensive plan to strengthen the  Collective Reparations Program, expand its capacity, increase the speed of its processes, and counteract existing barriers. They also called for mechanisms to supervise development policies and ensure their compliance with the Reparations Program and with the territorial rights of minority communities. Finally, they recommended developing a special strategy to accompany conflict victims and ensure that they benefit from post-pandemic economic stimulus efforts.

The participants requested that the IACHR dedicate some of its monitoring efforts in Colombia specifically to the monitoring of the right to reparations for conflict victims.

Regarding the situation in Chocó

Participants asked the IACHR to pressure Colombia to increase state presence in Chocó; re-start peace talks with the ELN; develop a humanitarian response incorporating all stakeholders, including armed groups; hasten responses to requests for protection by vulnerable people and groups; and investigate situations of vulnerability to rights violations. They also demanded full compliance with the Chocó ceasefire agreement of 2007 and with the court order of case T622 in 2016, protecting the vital Atrato river from degradation.

IACHR Reaction

The IACHR’s commissioners expressed concern at the slow pace of implementation; the violation of the right to free, prior, and informed consent; rural violence; attacks on social leaders; and the lack of federal-department-local coordination to address these crises.

Commissioner Margarette May Macaulay emphasized the continuity of violence that minority communities have faced during the armed conflict, transitional peace period, and today the COVID-19 pandemic. She also emphasized the need for the State to offer clear and specific information about the impacts of violence on Afro-descendant communities and about the reasons for delays in implementing the peace framework.

Interim Executive Secretary María Claudia Pulido stated that follow-up on peace implementation will be included in the section on Colombia of the IACHR’s 2020 annual report. The week before, she said, the IACHR had sent an official communication informing the State of this intention and requesting information.

The State’s response

On behalf of the State of Colombia, Ambassador to the OAS Alejandro Ordoñez referred to President Duque’s Peace and Legality program rather than respond directly to the issues being raised. When asked by IACHR President Joel Hernández about the issue of recruitment of minors by illegal armed groups, Ambassador Ordoñez declined to answer, stating that the question was outside the topic of the hearing.

Emilio Archila, Adviser on Stabilization and Consolidation, offered information about the Territorial Development Plans, an official instrument to prioritize state projects in areas most affected by violence and poverty. The Plans are currently active in 170 municipalities across the country.

Three more representatives from the Victims’ Unit, the Ministry of the Interior, and the National Protection Unit presented information about several governmental activities, but without explaining them in terms of their contributions to preventing human rights violations.

Race and Equality urges concrete government action to combat the alarming increase in violence against LGBTI Colombians

Bogota, October 6, 2020.– The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) is deeply concerned at the rising rates of violence and discrimination against the LGBTI population of Colombia during the COVID-19 pandemic. Race and Equality calls upon the Colombian government to take concrete actions to prevent, investigate, and respond to attacks and killings motivated by anti-LGBTI prejudice.

Although LGBTI Colombians have achieved important recent victories in securing their human rights, including a court ruling that the LGBTI population of the city of El Carmen (Bolívar department) was eligible to receive reparations for abuses during Colombia’s armed conflict as a collective body and another allowing a trans woman to receive women’s pension benefits, the numbers of killings, threats, and cases of harassment continue to grow exponentially.

As of September 15th, the national Ombudsman’s Office had reported 63 murders of LGBTI persons and 388 cases of violence motivated by anti-LGBTI bias. The Office stated that during the COVID-19 pandemic, “prejudice and discrimination have been exacerbated, obstacles to accessing justice by reporting crimes have increased, and so have other barriers created by a lack of empathy among officials charged with assisting the population.” To date, Race and Equality has documented 61 attacks against LGBTI persons, among them discrimination in public spaces, denial of rights to health and to nutrition, physical attacks including those with weapons, harassment, threats, and murders.

On September 5th, a man aggressively accosted Bogotá mayor Claudia López, a lesbian woman, and accused her of “teaching improper things to children.” This homophobic act, which the man said he did “in the name of Jesus Christ,” reveals that a climate of discrimination and social exclusion goes beyond official institutions. Despite formal progress, there is still not widespread tolerance for sexual diversity in Colombian society, preventing true recognition and inclusion from taking root.

Alarming numbers of attacks

From January-September 2020, Race and Equality has documented 30 cases in which LGBTI people were killed or severely wounded. Most recently, the killing of Juliana, a trans woman, from gunshots fired by a soldier put the violence facing LGBTI Colombians, especially trans people, into the spotlight. Throughout the country, indicators of violence are on the rise: in Armenia (Quindío department), the Ombudsman’s office issued an official alert about dangers facing the LGBTI population on August 25th. On September 1st, the LGBTI Network in Boyacá department denounced increasing police abuses of sex workers, particularly trans women, on social media. Caribe Afirmativo (Affirmative Caribbean) recently published an open letter to the authorities in the Caribbean region demanding a response to increased murders and attacks against LGBTI people, which have doubled compared to the same period in 2019.

LGBTI leaders face particular risks

Attacks against the leaders of LGBTI organizations indicate the fierce desire by LGBTI-phobic elements to repress pro-LGBTI initiatives across the country. To date, Race and Equality has documented 8 cases of attacks, threats, and murders of LGBTI leaders.

A dramatic example took place when Aurora Iglesias, popularly known as “Zunga,” a trans leader in Florencia (Caquetá department), was threatened with a firearm in her own home and warned to stop her work in the community. On September 17th, a burned LGBTI pride flag was found in front of a leader’s home in Armenia. The home of a gay leader in El Roble (Sucre department) was burned on August 25th. In addition to the direct impacts upon the targeted victims, these acts send a threatening message designed to tamp down LGBTI activism. Incidents such as the murder of Mateo, a trans community leader, and the attempted murder of John Restrepo, a leader in LGBTI conflict victims’ activism, both of which took place in public in broad daylight, underscore the risk facing LGBTI leaders.

Police abuse of sex workers

As Colombia experiences a tense climate of protest and debate about abuses by security forces, serious rights violations committed by the police against LGBTI persons have come to light. Race and Equality has documented 12 cases in which members of the National Police were denounced for attacking trans sex workers. These cases include physical aggression, unjustified seizures of property, and attacks using police service weapons. A common pattern is for police to threaten sex workers with arrest or fines (including arrests or fines for violating quarantine), demand payment, and physically and psychologically abuse those who do not pay, as has taken place in Medellín, Caldas, and Bogotá.

In another highly concerning incident, a young gay man named Juan Luis Guzmán was found dead in a police station under suspicious circumstances. He had been brought to the station after being arrested for breaking the curfew imposed due to COVID-19.

As civil society has consistently documented, police and military forces in Colombia play a major role in reproducing patterns of discrimination and exclusion against LGBTI people. When LGBTI people seek justice by reporting the abuses they suffer, they face greater vulnerability due to a lack of LGBTI-sensitive and gender-sensitive approaches in complaint offices, police retaliations, and/or institutional cover-ups.

Race and Equality joins with Colombian civil society to denounce these violations of LGBTI people’s rights and the ongoing crisis of violence against the LGBTI population. We call upon the government to:

  1. Prioritize investigations of rights violations against LGBTI people, sanction those responsible, and combat impunity. These efforts must integrate an approach that is sensitive to sexual and gender diversity.
  2. Strengthen efforts to educate security forces, especially the National Police, on LGBTI rights; monitor their compliance with LGBTI rights; and improve internal investigations about violations of LGBTI rights to fight impunity.
  3. Ensure that LGBTI people enjoy the right to access justice without discrimination. To make this right effective, efforts to train justice sector officials on LGBTI rights, mainstream LGTBI-sensitive approaches in the justice system, and strengthen monitoring systems will be crucial.
  4. Publicly condemn acts of discrimination and violence against the LGBTI population and implement public policies to combat LGBTI-phobia among the Colombian public.

Race and Equality Launches Manual on Report-Writing for Human Rights Advocacy

Washington D.C., September 21, 2020.– The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) is pleased to announce the publication of our manual for civil society organizations interested in writing human rights reports. The goal of this manual is to strengthen organizations’ ability to engage in advocacy at the national, regional, and international levels by preparing them to produce their own human rights documentation and analysis.

The manual is available in the Publications section of Race and Equality’s website. The manual is available in two verions: one that is primarly text-based and one with illustrations to accompany the text. The illustrated version is intended to assist civil society organizations in sharing the manual’s content with human rights defenders.

Through the manual, Race and Equality hopes organizations interested in producing human rights reports will also learn the necessary concepts for using these reports as part of over-arching advocacy strategies to influence international human rights bodies.

“Our experience shows us that human rights reports prepared by victims of rights violations and in-country organizations themselves are essential in pushing governments to respond,” said Pedro León Cortés from Race and Equality.

Content

The manual consists of two parts. The first communicates essential basic knowledge about human rights instruments, the role of civil society in protecting and promoting human rights, and the purpose of human rights documentation. The second includes a step-by-step guide for producing human rights reports, from recording incidents of rights violations all the way through drafting and publishing the report. It also compiles resources for organizations seeking to develop their human rights documentation capacities.

The manual was prepared in order to compile and systematize Race and Equality’s years of experience offering technical assistance and accompaniment to Afro-descendent, LGBTI, and Afro-LGBTI organizations across Latin America as they defend and promote their rights. Race and Equality’s capacity-building approach aims to prepare these organizations to develop their own advocacy strategies and materials.

Race and Equality invites civil society organizations and human rights activists to consult, download, and share the manual so that it can contribute to their efforts for the structural changes that will truly fulfill human rights.

Access the manual (In Spanish only):

Illustrated version – http://oldrace.wp/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Manual-IDH_-web_ilustrado.pdf

Text-only version – http://oldrace.wp/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Manual-IDH_-web_texto.pdf

Social leaders, government representatives, and regional institutions make proposals for justice and violence prevention after the Llano Verde killings

Bogota, September 4, 2020.- The Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) held a virtual roundtable discussion with social leaders, government representatives, and Inter-American Human Rights Commission (IACHR) member Margarette May Macaulay, who is the IACHR’s Rapporteur on the Rights of Afro-descendants and Against Racial Discrimination. The discussion was convened in order to discuss proposals for truth, justice, and non-repetition following the killing of five young Afro-Colombians in the Llano Verde neighborhood of Cali on August 11.

The webinar, titled Llano Verde Killings: Analysis and Proposals for Truth, Justice, Reparations, and Non-Repetition, was co-organized with the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA). The panelists discussed the particular experiences of Afro-Colombians in Colombia’s armed conflict and the post-conflict context, in which many Afro-Colombians have been forced to leave their ancestral territories and now reside in urban areas where they face discrimination and structural racism.

The discussion generated the following proposals to ensure that the Llano Verde massacre does not fall into impunity and that the Afro-Colombian population does not remain vulnerable to such violations in the future.

The IACHR should pressure the Colombian government to give answers

Erlendy Cuero Bravo, coordinator of the Cali chapter of the Nacional Association of Displaced Afro-Colombians (AFRODES), asked Commissioner Macaulay to make an official visit to Llano Verde, an area that the Commissioner visited once before in October 2018 along with Commissioner Esmeralda Arosemena de Troitiño. Such a visit would allow the Commissioner to make recommendations to the Colombian State regarding truth, reparations, and reforms to guarantee non-repetition in her official capacity. “Peace cannot be built starting at the national level – it has to be built from within Afro-Colombian territories to be in line with the communities’ needs,” said Erlendy.

Listening to Afro-Colombian youth and ensuring their right to education

Yeison Tobar, coordinator of AFRODES’ youth initiative Semillero (Seedbed), discussed the need for both the Colombian government and civil society organizations to strengthen ties with young Afro-Colombians, listen to their concerns, and involve them meaningfully in development projects. “Many times, the response is ‘young people don’t want to do anything,’ but there’s not enough effort to look into the lives of young people or their beliefs and emotions,” said Yeison.

Yeison also said that young people in Colombia need greater access to education, including higher education and technical education, along with assistance to finish their studies. According to Yeison, “the best bet for young people is education.”

Improve living conditions and ratify the Convention Against Racial Discrimination

Commissioner Macaulay expressed her willingness to accompany an official truth and justice process for the Llano Verde killings, emphasizing the need for “comprehensive reparations,” that go beyond monetary compensation and address the living conditions of Afro-Colombian communities, including schools, universities, health centers and hospitals, and public transportation.

The Commissioner also called on the government to examine all acts of violence against Afro-Colombians thoroughly and bring those responsible to justice. She reminded the government that the Colombian State is obligated to guarantee the rights of Afro-descendants and indigenous people, which includes the duty to combat discrimination against these groups. She also reminded the audience that Colombia is one of the countries which has not yet ratified the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance.

Economic opportunity and institutional presence

Cali city councilmember Fernando Tamayo stated that the Llano Verde massacre should not be viewed as an isolated incident, highlighting that community members had reported the presence of criminal groups and insecurity before the crime. For Tamayo, increased economic opportunity is a key step towards preventing such crimes. He highlighted two projects in the city’s development plan: a supply center in the eastern portion of the city and the proposed building of the District University of Cali. He also called for increased investment in institutions so that they are present and accessible throughout the city.

Respect for the Peace Accords

Luz Marina Becerra, secretary general of AFRODES, agreed with the previous speakers about the lack of educational and job opportunities that makes young Afro-Colombians “easy prey” for criminal groups, especially drug-dealing networks, and fosters violence. Luz Marina called for the Colombian Peace Accords to be fully implemented, including through improved living conditions for Afro-Colombians to reduce their vulnerability to crime. She also spoke about the importance of peace-building efforts led by Afro-Colombian women and efforts to apply traditional Afro-Colombian knowledge to healthcare and family well-being. She offered AFRODES’ Mujeres que Sanamos Mujeres project (Women Making Women Healthy) as an example.

Implementation of Law 70 and the Anti-Discrimination Law in urban areas

Alí Bantú Ashanti, an Afro-Colombian lawyer and member of the Racial Justice Collective, insisted on the need to develop specific implementation plans for Law 70 (which governs Afro-Colombians’ and indigenous people’s collectively held land) in urban areas, given that it was formulated with rural land in mind. Likewise, he argued that Law 1482, known as the Law Against Discrimination, has not had the expected impact, in part because it is not integrated with the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD).

Rejecting the efforts of some Colombian media outlets to downplay the Llano Verde killings by linking the five victims to criminal activities, Alí spoke of the role of structural racism in de-valuing Black lives: “The capitalist system has positioned Black people as subjects who can be killed, as lives that don’t matter, as mere criminals.”

International Accompaniment

Colombian Senator Alexander López closed the webinar by stating that international accompaniment is necessary for truth, justice, and non-repetition processes, including in Llano Verde. He affirmed that Law 70, the “Ethnic Chapter” that addressed Afro-Colombians’ rights in the Peace Accords, and all other legal instruments must be respected and fully implemented in the fight against structural racism and discrimination.

Senator López mentioned the fact that 9 million conflict victims are listed in the official registry, of which 14% are Afro-Colombian. He also alluded to the controversy about the 2018 Colombian census, which counted nearly 1.4 million fewer Afro-Colombians than the 2005 census due to failures in the National Statistics Office (DANE). “This has important implications, because the more that the Afro-Colombian population is reduced in official counts, the fewer public policies and resources will be devoted to them,” he reminded the audience.

To see a full recording of the webinar, click here.

Race and Equality launches informational material to increase knowledge about and advocacy before human rights protection mechanisms

Washington D.C., August 28, 2020. The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) shares today with civil society and activists in Latin America and the Caribbean informational material about the Organization of American States (OAS) and its respective organs, as well as about the United Nations (UN). The objective of this material is to contribute to the increase in knowledge about and advocacy before these bodies for the defense and protection of human rights.

“As an organization which seeks to strengthen the capacities of civil society in the region in the defense and protection of human rights, Race and Equality presents this material that addresses the functioning of human rights protection mechanisms in the Inter-American System as well as in the United Nations, with the hope of generating greater access to these on the part of our partners,” stated Christina Fetterhoff, Senior Legal Program Officer at Race and Equality.

The material consists of three videos that speak about the functioning of the OAS, the Inter-American System, and the UN, respectively. Through the presentations of four animated characters and with the help of illustrations, the videos explain the work that each of these bodies carries out, as well as indicating the advocacy spaces and mechanisms available for civil society for the defense of human rights.

Each video is reinforced with a didactic material which, in an approachable way, offers more details about those advocacy spaces and mechanisms for civil society participation. Furthermore, they include the links to the official websites of the OAS and UN where people can find more information.

All of this informational material is in addition to the guide titled Precautionary Measures of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights: Procedure and Function(in Spanish only) which Race and Equality launched in May 2020 with the goal of orienting lawyers and human rights activists on the process to request precautionary measures from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR).

You can access the videos (in Spanish only) at the following links:

OAS: https://bit.ly/2QdZzTc

Inter-American System: https://bit.ly/2FIp90O

UN: https://bit.ly/31hwddc

The didactic materials are available here (in Spanish only).

Race and Equality: The Cuban government must grant political prisoner José Rolando Casares Soto full and unconditional liberty

Washington, D.C., August 20, 2020.- On Wednesday, August 19, the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) confirmed that Cuban political prisoner José Rolando Casares Soto was released under conditional liberty via a phone call with Mr. Casares. As an organization dedicated to defending and promoting human rights, we celebrate the fact that Mr. Casares, an activist and member of the Cuban Youth Roundtable (Mesa de Diálogo de la Juventud Cubana) has been released from prison and can rejoin his family; however, we continue to insist that the Cuban government grant him unconditional liberty and rescind his convictions, as well as that of his wife Yamilka Abascal Sánchez.

Mr. Casares was one of the activists whose stories were highlighted in our report Premeditated Convictions, which examined the Cuban government’s strategies for criminalizing its opponents. In July 2016, Mr. Casares and Ms. Abascal attempted to defend a friend who was being detained by the police. As a result, Mr. Casares was arrested and detained for a week. During his detention, he was forced to undergo a strip-search and interrogation. Authorities informed him that he would be charged with “assault” and “resistance,” but he was not informed of any proceedings until six months later, when he and his wife were summoned to trial.

Sentencing

The couple were tried together in a trial that was closed to the public and did not include guarantees of due process. Ms. Abascal was convicted of “contempt” and served a two-year “limitation of liberty” sentence in their home, while Mr. Casares was convicted of “assault” and “sexual obscenity.” This second charge emerged due to the police’s claim that he had taken off his own clothing while being arrested, when in fact he was forced to do so as police searched for a flash drive containing information about the Cuban Youth Roundtable.

Mr. Casares was originally sentenced to five years’ correctional labor without internment. On March 24, 2017, he was ordered to present himself at the state-run Civil Construction firm of his municipality but refused to do so in protest of his conviction. As a result, his sentence was changed to five years in prison.

After the order to appear on March 24, Mr. Casares did not receive another official communication from the court or the Ministry of the Interior (which oversees the penal system) and did not learn of his new sentence until he was arrested off the street, on his way to buy medicine for his children, on August 3. The five-year sentence is noteworthy for being longer than the 1- to 3-year sentences typically given to political prisoners.

Three years of suffering

Mr. Casares was held in Kilo 5 Prison in Pinar del Río until August 2019, when he was transferred to the Kilo 4 Penitential Center, a minimum-security facility. During his imprisonment, he suffered complications from a dental implant that was broken during his arrest, along with an intestinal prosthesis that he has had since childhood. On May 11, 2020, he was transferred to a hospital after suffering severe stomach pains for several days. At the hospital, he learned that he had a kidney stone. He received an injection for the pain but was not given any other treatment.

Mr. Casares has spent three years of life in prison, separated from his wife and children, for no reason other than his political beliefs. When he was arrested August 2017, his daughter was only 1 year old, and his younger son had just been born in April. “At last our children will enjoy the love from their father that they lost for three years … I will continue demanding the liberation of all political prisoners who are still incarcerated unjustly,” Ms. Abascal wrote on Facebook. During the family’s ordeal, Cuban security officials threatened her with the loss of custody of their children if she continued to denounce her husband’s treatment.

On August 18, the government finally approved Mr. Casares’ latest request for conditional liberty, allowing him to return home. However, he is still subject to various restrictions.

Upon being freed, Mr. Casares emphasized that other prisoners who have committed no crime remain in Cuban prisons and that he plans to continue exposing the inhumane conditions in which political prisoners are held.

Irregularities

Race and Equality has presented petitions to the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention on Mr. Casares and Ms. Abascal’s behalf, documenting how both of their detentions were arbitrary in violation of Cuba’s international obligations.

Among the irregularities documented were the lack of a legal justification for their arrest, the lack of a court order to keep them in prison, authorities’ failure to inform them why they were being held, and Mr. Casares being held incommunicado for seven days without court oversight. The Cuban state has plainly violated their rights to freedom of opinion and expression, enshrined in Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

These rights violations are retaliation for the couple’s work with the Cuban Youth Roundtable to denounce the government’s abuses and seek electoral reform. Race and Equality demands that Mr. Casares be granted full, unconditional freedom and that his fundamental rights be respected.

Race and Equality condemns the murder of five young Afro-Colombians in Cali and issues recommendations for ensuring truth and preventing future killings

Bogotá, August 14, 2020.- The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) condemns the killing of five young Afro-Colombians, whose families had been previously victimized by Colombia’s armed conflict, in the Llano Verde neighborhood of Cali. As an organization working to protect and promote human rights, Race and Equality expresses our solidarity with the mourning families and community. We stand alongside the community to demand that this crime not fall into impunity and that the government adopt the necessary measures to prevent such tragedies from reoccurring.

The five victims have been identified as Jean Paul Cruz Perlaza, 15; Leyder Cárdenas Hurtado, 15; Juan Manuel Montaño, 15; Álvaro José Caicedo Silva, 14; and Jair Andrés Cortez Castro, 14. The five had left their homes on the morning of Tuesday, August 11 for a community activity; their bodies were discovered at the end of the day in a nearby sugarcane field, showing signs of torture and execution-style gunshot wounds.

Just two days later, on August 13, another person was killed and fifteen more were injured in the same neighborhood when an unidentified person set off an explosive device. According to local media, the bombing was an attempt to attack the local police division.

Contextualizing the events

 Race and Equality calls for full reparation of the victims’ families and community, along with measures to ensure that such tragedies do not reoccur. To be effective and to comply with Afro-Colombians’ human rights, these measures must take into account the particular circumstances of Afro-Colombians who were displaced by the armed conflict. These communities suffered grave rights violations and the loss of their ancestral territories; today, they continue to suffer further incidents of displacement, threats, attacks, murders and assassinations, forced recruitment by illegal groups including drug traffickers, sexual exploitation, and a lack of educational and work opportunities.

“Stopping the violence against Afro-Colombian communities requires us to recognize and confront the factors that underly it: historical patterns of structural racism and racial discrimination that deny Afro-Colombians the conditions to ensure equality and to claim their rights as Afro-Colombians,” according to Pedro Cortes, Race and Equality’s advisor in Colombia who leads the organization’s work accompanying Afro-Colombian organizations in denouncing rights violations and advocating for justice before the national government and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR)

Race and Equality has issued a set of recommendations to Colombian authorities, designed to ensure that the government’s response to the killings take into account the victims’ experiences as Afro-Colombians, address the particular impact of violence upon young Afro-Colombians, and protect the rights and safety of the victims’ families and community.

Race and Equality has also requested that the IACHR, United Nations human rights treaty bodies, and United Nations special procedures all take action to ensure that the government’s response brings justice.

Read our statement and the recommendations here.

Race and Equality publishes eight recommendations to protect the Afro-descendant population in Latin America from COVID-19

Washington D.C. August 6, 2020.– As the COVID-19 pandemic continues to reverberate across Latin America, the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality) set out to analyze the impact of the pandemic on the region’s Afro-descendant population. Based on the results, the organization has formulated eight recommendations for States, human rights institutions, and international bodies to develop pandemic responses that are in line with Afro-descendants’ needs.

Race and Equality conducted this research through several webinars, virtual meetings, and dialogues with Afro-descendant leaders between March 27 and May 17, 2020. Public statements from Afro-descendant civil society in the region and declarations from anti-racial discrimination mechanisms within the Organization of American States (OAS) and United Nations systems were also consulted.

According to data from the UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), the Afro-descendant population in the region totals 130 million people, representing approximately 21% of the region’s population. So far, no entity has published official data on how many Afro-descendants how been infected with, or died from, COVID-19. Civil society organizations, however, have conducted their own studies and revealed high levels of vulnerability and inequality affecting the Afro-descendant population.

A lack of vital health information, difficulties in accessing national health systems, and acts of violence by both police and illegal armed groups are all major obstacles to Afro-descendant communities as they face the pandemic. “We thought it was critical to understand Afro-descendants’ situation in the pandemic because from there, we can decide on actions to support our counterparts. We can also make better recommendations to States, human rights bodies, and international organizations about how to guarantee their rights,” said Elvia Duque, Race and Equality’s Legal Program Officer and the leader of the study.

Race and Equality developed eight recommendations for combatting structural racism and racial discrimination; improving health and education systems, especially with regards to gaps between urban and rural communities; guaranteeing human rights; and gathering trustworthy statistics to study the pandemic through an intersectional lens. The recommendations emphasize the need to implement these recommendations through consultation and coordination with Afro-descendent leaders.

Readers can find the results of the study and consult the recommendations here.

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