Public Announcement: Ongoing Crisis in Nicaragua

Public Announcement: Ongoing Crisis in Nicaragua

Washington, DC, November 23, 2018 – The International Institute of Race, Equality, and Human Rights strongly condemns and rejects the resolution issued today, November 23, 2018, by the Nicaraguan Police regarding the march convened to commemorate the International Day on the Elimination of Violence against Women by the Unidad Nacional Azul y Blanco [White and Blue National Unity] (UNAB), which had been announced was to be held on Sunday, November 25 in the city of Managua in protest over the violation of Nicaraguans’ fundamental rights for the last seven months by the Ortega-Murillo regime.

In the resolution, communicated by the Chief of the Directorate of Public Security of the National Police of Nicaragua, General Commissioner Luis Fernando Barrantes refuses to authorize it, while the National Police, in a clear abuse of power, classifies said initiative as a “vandalistic act” and “terrorist” with “coup aims” that envisages “affecting Nicaraguan families and the tranquility of the country.”  In addition, it states in a threatening tone “. . . that the National Police does not authorize nor will authorize public mobilizations by persons, organizations, or movements that participated in and are being investigated for their actions in the failed attempt at a  . . .”

As an institution that works in favor of the respect, guarantee, and protection of human rights, we repudiate said police communiqué, as it does not acknowledge, decontextualizes, and once again violates the right of Nicaraguans to protest peacefully to denounce the innumerable acts of harassment and repression committed by Nicaraguan authorities since April, in an attempt to foster a false sense of normalcy in the country when acts of harassment and intimidation in all public spaces continue being committed by the police, clearly endangering any possibility for regaining Nicaraguans’ tranquility, for whom this repression has given no respite.

Likewise, we denounce the indifference of the Nicaraguan State, which refuses to accept the existence of the victims of this humanitarian crisis from among the self-convened population, who today comprise more than 500 protestors, students, and activists who have been detained under conditions that endanger their lives, [physical] integrity, and due process, as well as the approximately 325 assassinations that continue to be shrouded in impunity and the acts of intimidation that are daily visited upon women, those who have been tried for the April incidents, journalists, human rights defenders, LGBTQI persons, and the community in general.

Race & Equality also vehemently condemns the acts of intimidation, assault, and harassment committed by the National Police in recent hours in different places in the city of Managua and other departments, which demonstrates that nothing is normal in Nicaragua.  The arbitrary nature with which the police continue to act provokes an environment of fear and insecurity among the populace.  We therefore demand the prompt release of the two Radio Darío collaborators, Omar López and Eduardo Patricio Amaya, who were kidnapped this morning.  Amaya was granted protective measures by the IACHR, MC 693-18.  We hold the State of Nicaragua responsible for any situation that violates [the] lives, [physical] integrity, and human rights of both Radio Darío employees.

We urgently call on the international community to take a stance in response to these acts that gravely violate the fundamental rights of the Nicaraguan people, who continue defenseless due to the dictatorial excesses committed by the current government.  Likewise, we call on the international community to raise its voice against the abuses that are ongoing against Nicaraguans by a regime that continues to be reluctant to uphold its international human rights commitments. 

November 20 – International Day of Transsexual Memory

“I am convinced that the engine of change is love.  The love we were denied
is our impetus to change the world.  All of the blows and slights
I suffered cannot compare with the infinite
love that surrounds me at this time.”
– Lohana Berkins (1965-2016), transvestite activist

On the International Day of Transsexual Memory, the International Institute on Race, Equality, and Human Rights honors the memory of transsexuals who have lost their lives as a result of acts of intolerance, hate, and discrimination due to their gender identity in Latin America and the Caribbean.  November 20 is also a day to celebrate the lives of transsexuals who, despite social exclusion, limits on exercising their rights, and the absence of social policies that address their basic needs, continue their fight to defend their rights and construct networks of social transformation starting from their local milieus.

Discrimination, violence, segregation against transsexuals, and diverse gender-based segregation constitute a structural aspect of society; therefore, throughout history, their rights have been subject to a vicious cycle of violence, degradation, and oppression that has made it harder for them to enjoy the guarantees of a decent and complete life.

Around the world, transsexuals are subject to mockery, blackmail, physical and sexual assault, and assassination due to their diverse identities.  In addition, they are denied the opportunity to decent employment, medical care in keeping with their needs, and to be seen as subjects worthy of respect and recognition in society.  The stigma to which transsexuals are subject leads to the ‘invisibilization’ of their realities and experiences, as well as ignorance regarding the multiple challenges, barriers, and human rights violations they face.  It is thus that in the majority of countries, data on violence against transsexuals and gender-diverse persons are not systematically produced; therefore, it becomes impossible to calculate the exact number of cases.

Race & Equality observes with concern how the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean continue to have the highest rates of homicides of transsexuals due to motives of prejudice and discrimination, as well as the rationale of machismo and fundamentalist ideas that ignore the diversity, freedom, and autonomy of individuals to identify and define themselves.

Notwithstanding these adverse contexts of violence, we see throughout Latin America experiences of solidarity and leadership that transcend the margins of social exclusion and make known the social demands of transsexuals.  Transsexual leaders are the ones who have been able to impact local public policies, build support networks that have evinced the violence they experience, and above all, generate creative responses for social change from spaces of exclusion.

Race & Equality, within the framework of this commemoration, calls on the States in the region to expand spaces for social dialogue with organizations of transsexuals [and] strengthen the mechanisms for investigating the violence of which this population has been the victim, so as to overcome impunity and jointly define with transsexual leaders social policies of transformation that truly impact their most immediate needs.  We are convinced that transsexuals should continue to be remembered for their transformative acts, rather than for the unpunished violence by which they are eliminated.

Nicaraguan human rights defenders will talk in Geneva about the evolution of the crisis in their country

Seven months after the current human rights crisis started in Nicaragua as a result of the government’s repression of peaceful protests, a group of human right defenders will hold a public conversation in Geneva on November 28th with the aim of making visible the consequences and permanence of the crisis. The crisis continues now with the prohibition of civic demonstrations and the prosecution of hundreds of protestants, students and activists who have been arrested for participating in protests and are being subjected to trials in which the guarantees of due process are disregarded.

In the conversation, organized by the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality), the human rights defenders will describe their own experiences during the crisis and the risks they face in their daily work.

Special emphasis will be placed on the situation of injustice and defenselessness faced by populations that traditionally experience discrimination, such as women, indigenous persons, Afro-descendants and the LGBTI community. These groups have been repressed for defending democracy and demanding justice and respect for human rights.

The human right defenders will also refer to the situation faced by hundreds of political prisoners, who have reported torture and ill treatment in prisons and detention centers. According to the Nicaraguan Center for Human Rights (CENIDH, for its initials in Spanish), of the 602 citizens imprisoned as of November 14th for participating in the protests, 563 are men and 50 women, of which 4 are transgender women.

The image of “normality” that the Nicaraguan government intends to establish both nationally and internationally contrasts diametrically with the vision that human rights defenders will provide that day, which is that in Nicaragua “nothing is normal”, since the violations of human rights committed by the Nicaraguan authorities are systematic and remain unpunished.

Nicaragua will be evaluated by the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2019. This review will offer human rights defenders, civil society organizations, and the international community an important opportunity to peacefully influence the crisis that today overwhelms the Nicaraguan people.

#VenezuelaMigrates: Civil Society Organizations launch Plan of Action to protect migrants and refugees from Venezuela

WASHINGTON, DC. November 16, 2018.- Since the beginning of the year, The International Institute of Race, equality and Human Rights, as part of the organizations belonging to the Venezuelan Human Mobility Group, have been following the with great concern  the human rights situation of migrants and refugees forced to leave Venezuela. As a result, we called for a concerted regional response on August 22. This was followed up on September 19 with an initial blueprint that could support this work.

Despite efforts made so far, national and international spaces continue to require greater efficiency and coordination in their regional response to the crisis. To date, there is still little clarity throughout the continent on the best protocols to respond the needs of three million migrants and refugees from Venezuela, in a manner that complies with international standards for the protection of human rights and comprehensive humanitarian assistance.

Meanwhile, the high-risk situations of violence and discrimination that many migrants and refugees face at all stages of their journey continue to increase. Likewise, the specific needs of those migrants and refugees, particularly the needs of those belonging to groups in situations of vulnerability who are most exposed to violence and discrimination, have become more acute.

In light of this, the Venezuelan Human Mobility Group – of which The International Institute of Human Rights is a part of – developed the Civil Society Action Plan for People from Venezuela that Require National and International Protection, which establishes a road map to improve coordinated responses to this this situation.

The document addresses the specific actions required by all the actors involved, clarifies state obligations, makes recommendations to the States, establishes our commitments as civil society members and organizations, issues recommendations to other members of civil society throughout the region and provides guidelines to international organizations and allies. All of the above with respect to the following central axes:

  1. The correct legal characterization of migrants and refugees, State´s obligations regarding both, the application of the Cartagena Declaration in the Venezuelan context and the mechanisms of regular migration.
  2. Intersectional approaches  to address multiple factors of discrimination faced by different migratory groups based on their gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, age, among others.
  3. The actions required to properly assist each step of a migrant and refugee´s journey, including long-lasting solutions that guarantee access through transit and to their destination countries, as well as guarantees of their rights in their countries of destination.
  4. Regional monitoring and advocacy strategies that brings together all the key actors involved in the development of responses to the situation of Venezuelan people facing a situation of human mobility.

We trust that this document will be useful to all actors tasked with crafting a human rights based approach in the face of this displacement crisis; as well as other current and future migrant and refugee situations that may arise in the region. Likewise, we hope that proposals that involve groups in a high state of vulnerability, such as women, children and adolescents, the LGBTI community and people of African descent, can be implemented with caution.

For more information about the Venezuelan Human Mobility Group visit: www.movhuve.org

Interview with Beatriz Amaro, Afro-Mexican Leader: “If today we must speak up and raise our voices, we ask that we be allowed to raise them as Afro-Mexican communities”

In the midst of the current humanitarian crisis in Mexico, due to the extremely grave situation of violence, unemployment, insecurity, and a very high rate of migration due to drug trafficking, as well as other sociopolitical issues that have not been addressed, the Afro-Mexican population continues to struggle for and demand constitutional recognition as a people whom, according to the data obtained in the 2015 Intercensal Survey administered by INEGI, totals 1,381,853 persons, equivalent to 1.2% of the national population.

Beatriz Amaro, a leader and human rights defender in the organization Unity for Progress, in the city of Oaxaca, AC spoke with Race & Equality during the pre-sessions for Mexico of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) held on October 12, 2018 in Geneva, Switzerland regarding the need to implement affirmative actions, effective public policies, and action plans in agreement with the Afro-Mexican people, with an eye to reducing the historic impact of racism and discrimination that translates into the Afro-descendant population in Mexico having fewer possibilities for employment, education, [and] participation.  In addition, [she spoke] about the importance of the Review, in which the state of rights in Mexico will be reviewed on November 7, 2018, taking into account some of the recommendations offered by Afro-descendant civil society.

In the midst of the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Mexico, what is the greatest need and demand being made by Afro-Mexican civil society organizations to the Mexican State that you wish to highlight in the pre-sessions of Mexico’s Universal Periodic Review?

Without a doubt, the most pressing need and demand of the Afro-Mexican people today is to be constitutionally recognized.  Without constitutional recognition, Mexico’s Afro-descendants will not have a way to demand respect for our rights in accordance with our historic, social, and cultural reality.  While the inclusion of the ethnic-racial variable in the intercensal survey administered in 2015 represents significant progress in at least recognizing the total number of the population, it is necessary to continue working to develop official policies, plans, and projects at the national level that serve to counteract the impact of poverty, lack of opportunities, and structural racism that we experience in our country.  Likewise, the report submitted to the various missions during the pre-sessions mentions the need to create specific plans for attending to women, guaranteeing effective health services, incorporating educational programs that include the Afro-Mexican people’s historic legacy, and creating spaces for dialogue and participation to reformulate the Plan of Action of the Decade of Afro-descendants.

During the most recent public hearing of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) related to the state of Afro-descendants’ rights, the State mentioned a large number of programs designed to benefit the Afro-Mexican people.  How are these programs and/or affirmative actions being implemented?

It is true that the Mexican State has conceived, designed, and likely implemented programs, affirmative actions, or plans for the Afro-Mexican people; however, these plans have never been designed with any of us, nor worked on with us. Allow me to clarify; these action proposals do not include the vision of the Afro-Mexican peoples, nor are they publicized sufficiently strongly to enable the communities to know about the projects that have been designed for their benefit.  Thus, it would seem or could be interpreted as formally fulfilling a commitment, though without any real implementation of these programs, because they are not being reflected in the communities, we don’t know about them, nor are we actively participating in their design, let alone their implementation.  One thing is clear, however: who can better know the reality of the Afro-descendant people of Mexico than we the Afro-Mexicans?  We don’t understand, then, how they can design these projects in the very capital of the Republic, a space to which we don’t have access, and much less how they implement them.  In this sense, it is important that these programs be publicized in the zones where there are greater numbers of Afro-Mexicans, above all in the states of Guerrero, Oaxaca, and Veracruz, given that in addition, we are the ones who face the greatest challenges to development.

One of the recommendations proposed by civil society organizations during the pre-sessions to the Universal Periodic Review is a request that the Decade Plan of Action be reformulated.  Why?

I know perfectly well that having a Decade Plan of Action represents great progress, because many countries don’t even have one; but again, the situation is that the development of this Plan of Action that benefits the Afro-Mexican people was not consulted, worked on, or designed jointly with Afro-Mexican civil society.  We didn’t participate.  As such, there are clearly many aspects that don’t touch upon or reflect the situation or needs of the Afro-Mexican population.  I don’t mean to imply by this that the plan is bad or inappropriate; indeed, there are many positive things [about it]; however, I think it is necessary to work in a participatory, dialogical way that is agreed to by the Afro-descendant communities so that it goes beyond simply being a plan and actually becomes a materialization of activities that leads to real and effective implementation.

With regard to what was said earlier, is there an alternative proposal designed by the Afro-Mexican civil society organizations in relation to the Decade Plan of Action?

I would love to say yes, that a joint proposal exists that has been developed, discussed, and agreed to by the entire Afro-Mexican social movement to propose a joint work agenda, but unfortunately, we don’t have one at this time.  Organizing, discussing, and agreeing to an agenda requires not only absolute political will, which I believe each and every one of the social organizations that comprise this movement has, but also budgetary support to enable us to make progress to that end.  In order to build an inclusive, plural, and diverse agenda that is made up of all of the voices in the movement, we need to do work that requires financial support.  Nonetheless, we have made significant progress.  In the case of the women, we have performed several agenda exercises that we believe are essential to include in the Decade Plan, just as our recommendations were included in the alternative report submitted by the civil society organizations to the Universal Periodic Review Committee.  We hope our voices can be included.

What has been the impact of today’s humanitarian crisis in Mexico on the Afro-Mexican population?

We don’t have official numbers or studies of what the impact of the wave of violence underway in Mexico has been on the Afro-descendant people, nor do we have real disaggregated data that enables us to statistically know the real state of the Afro-Mexican people.  Certainly, as I noted earlier, a 2015 intercensal exercise was performed that provided an initial introduction of the Afro-descendant populace, though did not cover all of the localities; as such, the data, apart from being very general, are not accurate.  However, we can say that the state of human rights of our entire population has worsened, precisely because in addition to the dynamics of vulnerability our communities had already been confronting – such as poverty, inequality, [and] lack of access to health, education, and employment – new forms of victimization take place as a result of the impact of the dynamics of drug trafficking, circumstances that clearly put our people in a state of high risk and defenselessness.

What do you see as the principal challenges of the Afro-Mexican social movement in the current context?

As I was saying, one of the principal objectives is to continue fighting for constitutional recognition of the Afro-Mexican people.  However, in order to do that, we believe it is very important to unify the movement’s political will in order to present a proposal for jointly working with the Mexican State and other scenarios for political advocacy.

I think another principal challenge is to be able to play an important role in more decision-making spaces in order to ensure that the proposals and projects developed therein benefit us [and] are designed in accordance with our realities, from the perspective of our Afro-Mexican men, women, youth, boys, girls, and adolescents.  If we continue to allow these spaces to be occupied by academics, who with the very best of intentions attempt to describe and heighten the visibility of our situation, we will not be able to occupy these spaces ourselves to empower ourselves for our reality.  We ourselves, empowered by our history, reality, and purpose, need to be prepared to make presentations before national and international bodies on our reality, denunciations, and demands.

If today we must speak out and raise our voices, we ask that we be allowed to raise them from the perspective of our organizations rather than from academia.  Certainly, what we need is for them to train rather than represent us in order to incentivize the participation, commitment, and training of Afro-Mexican women and men with an eye to having the tools we lack for [removing] the educational gap that we oftentimes confront.  What we want is for them to provide us support in the form of tools, to be heard [in spaces] where we should be heard.

What are your expectations for the Universal Periodic Review, in which the state of human rights in Mexico will be evaluated?

I feel that due to the grave human rights violations that exist in Mexico today, the matter of the state of Afro-descendant rights will not be a priority.  However, I feel that spaces such as the pre-sessions provide us with opportunities to undertake very important advocacy whereby we appropriate our own realities, precisely because they motivate us to develop exercises for systematizing the work we are carrying out in order to be able to present it to different mechanisms in which we will certainly be able to make the voice heard of a people that needs international support, solidarity, and attention, so that we can continue to apply pressure to have our rights respected, protected, and recognized.

We hope that the Universal Periodic Review will be able to address at least two of the recommendations made in order to receive the international backing we so need and be able to monitor the Mexican State’s compliance with said recommendations.

Race & Equality Holds a Training Workshop on International Human Rights Mechanisms with the First Organization Comprised of LGBTI Afro-Descendants in Colombia

The International Institute on Race, Equality, and Human Rights (Race & Equality), within the framework of the project on racial justice funded by the Ford Foundation, held the first training workshop on international human rights mechanisms for the team from Fundación Arcoíris de Tumaco [Rainbow Foundation from Tumaco], the only organization working specifically on heightening the visibility and defending the rights of LGBTI Afro-descendants in Colombia.

The objective of the workshop was for Fundación Arcoíris de Tumaco to learn about the mechanisms that exist to protect human rights within the Inter-American System of Human Rights and the United Nations System.  The use of these mechanisms will be greatly relevant, given the context of extreme violence in this region of the country, wherein LGBTI Afro-Colombians experience differentiated impacts on their human rights as a result of aggravated forms of discrimination and violations.  The expected result of the project is a report produced by the organization regarding the state of this population group’s human rights that will be presented to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

The training included a dialogue of knowledge in which the participants described in detail the sociopolitical situation that characterizes the department, as well as the affects of those dynamics on the lives of LGBTI Afro-descendants.  In recent years, Tumaco has been one of the principal municipalities impacted by various types of violence; as such, the impacts on LGBTI persons have particularities, resulting in most cases from stigmas that produce several types of discrimination, in addition to violating their most fundamental rights.

Race & Equality will continue the process of providing technical assistance to the Afro-Colombian Fundación Arcoíris de Tumaco so that it can continue to strengthen its advocacy capacity to defend the rights of members of its community.

With the Support of Race & Equality, Civil Society Organizations Prepare to Submit Reports on the State of Colombian Women’s Human Rights to CEDAW

In September 2018, the International Institute on Race, Equality, and Human Rights (Race & Equality), within the framework of the project on racial justice funded by the Ford Foundation, held a training workshop to increase knowledge regarding the United Nations System, especially with regard to its treaty bodies.  The participating organizations included Asociación Nacional de Afrocolombianos Desplazados [National Association of Displaced Afro-Colombians] (AFRODES); Conferencia Nacional de Organizaciones Afrocolombianas [National Conference of Afro-Colombian Organizations] (CNOA); and Grupo de Apoyo a Mujeres Trans [Support Group for Trans Women] (GAAT).

The goal of the space was to strengthen the organizations’ technical knowledge regarding the United Nations System treaty bodies.  Emphasis was placed on the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), given that the State of Colombia will be reviewed by the Committee in February 2019.  One of the results of the project is that with technical assistance from Race & Equality, the organizations will prepare Alternative Reports for submittal to the Committee.  The hope is that this advocacy action will lead CEDAW to include in its final review and observations the analyses and recommendations put forward by the organizations in their Alternative Reports.

CEDAW is the body of independent experts that supervises the application of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.  The advocacy before CEDAW is greatly relevant to the organizations participating in this workshop, given the low priority given by the Colombian State to policies recognizing aggravated forms of discrimination and violence stemming from the intersection of gender, race, and/or sexual orientation and gender identity.  For AFRODES and CNOA, the attention given by CEDAW to the state of Afro-Colombian women victims of the conflict amounts to a strategic need, while it is a priority to GATT to make visible the state of trans women.

Race & Equality will continue to provide technical support to these organizations in the process of preparing their Alternative Reports for submittal to CEDAW, as well as strengthen their advocacy capacity as regards the use of the other international human rights protection mechanisms.

Find here the recommendations document:  http://bdigital.unal.edu.co/47500/1/Recomendacionesdelcomite.pdf

October 26: International Intersex Awareness Day

Within the framework of International Intersex Awareness Day, the International Institute on Race, Equality, and Human Rights (Race & Equality) calls for an end to the discrimination, exclusion, torture, patholization, unnecessary medicalization, and ‘invisibilization’ of intersex persons and their families in the region.  In this sense, Race & Equality reminds [people] that intersex persons are those whose sexual anatomy does not physically adjust to culturally-defined standards for the ‘feminine’ or ‘masculine’ body.  Having said that, what does that actually mean?  We set forth some questions and answers below so as to best approach this issue:

Is intersexuality the same as hermaphroditism?

No.  Although in the cultural imagination hermaphroditism is associated with the figure in Greek literature that has external sexual characteristics associated with the presence of a penis, a vulva, and breasts, in fact in botany and zoology hermaphroditism refers to the reproductive capacity of a plant or animal that can even self-inseminate.  When we refer to people, there is consensus in the scientific community that it is more appropriate to refer to intersexuality.  Some activists, such as Mauro Cabral, prefer to refer to themselves as intersex persons, thereby lending political value to this discussion beyond medical-legal discussions.

 Is intersexuality the same as transgenderism?

 No.  Although both concepts can converge, it is important to have a clear understanding that:

  1. Intersexuality is a biological characteristic that is associated with persons’ genetic and corporeal development (what we traditionally have called ‘sex’) and can be externally visible in the body of a person from the moment of his/her birth.
  2. Transgenderism is more associated with how a person constructs him/herself over the course of his/her life and how he/she presents him/herself to society (what we refer to as ‘gender identity’), although this process can include corporeal interventions to bring the body more into agreement with the [person’s] gender identity.

If intersexuality is biological and innate to a person, why is it necessary to have an intersex day?

  1. It is important to keep in mind that despite the fact that intersexuality if a biological reality, many people are not aware of this fact and by extension, of the existence of intersex persons.
  2. The denial of this biological reality in the educational arena (it is not taught from a young age) is also reflected in the legal sphere, which only recognizes ‘two biological sexes,’ even though the reality is much broader than that; this produces important consequences in the lives of intersex persons.
  3. The origin of this day dates back to 1996 when intersex activists protested in front of the Annual Meeting of the American Academy of Pediatrics in Boston against the genital mutilations and hormonal treatments performed on intersex persons at an early age without their informed consent.

Are intersex persons the victims of human rights violations?

Yes.  Intersex persons have been the victims of multiple violations reflected in various spheres of their lives:

  1. Their existence is denied in the legal and medical arenas, given that in many countries only two sexes are legally recognized: male and female. Nonetheless, this is changing with the recognition of gender neutrality.
  2. As a result of the foregoing, surgical procedures are imposed on intersex persons from a very early age. Current protocols are applied to them, even though that means carrying out unnecessary surgical interventions with the intention of ‘normalizing’ their genitals, without the person first giving his/her informed consent.  It should be noted that these interventions give rise to irreversible consequences in the emotional, physical, and sexual life of those individuals, including sterilization and genital mutilation, without them being medically necessary in the great majority of the cases.
  3. Human rights protection entities – such as the United Nations and the Inter-American Commission – have documents grave violations of intersex persons’ human rights, above all with relation to discrimination, ‘invisibilization,’ the lack of official information, medical treatments they tend to receive since birth and throughout the course of their lives, barriers to accessing their medical charts, and even difficulty with obtaining recognition of their legal status in public identity registries.
  4. According to the testimonies of diverse intersex persons, the nature of the interventions oftentimes gives rise to the need for multiple surgeries at different times in their lives, producing chronic pain, possible health problems, and the need to carry out extremely invasive routine procedures comparable to cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment or torture.

For all of these reasons, Race & Equality condemns the patholization and childhood genital mutilation practices endured by some intersex persons, and calls on the States in the region to assume their international obligations without further delay to protect human rights and comprehensively recognize, guarantee, and protect, with no patholization and in consultation with intersex persons, their human rights.

Race & Equality Rejects the Arbitrary Ban by Nicaraguan Authorities Denying Entry into the Country to Representatives of the Centro por la Justicia y el Derecho Internacional (CEJIL)

Washington, D.C. October 26 2018. The International Institute on Race, Equality, and Human Rights (Race & Equality) forcefully condemns the arbitrary ban on entry into Nicaragua imposed on the work team from the Centro por la Justicia y el Derecho Internacional [Center for Justice and International Law] (CEJIL), who in the morning of October 26 were to meet with President of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) Margarette Macaulay and members of the Special Monitoring Mechanism for Nicaragua (MESENI) to discuss topics related to the humanitarian crisis that began in the country on April 18.  The crisis has merited the attention of said body of the inter-American human rights protection system, as well as that of CEJIL, an international organization that has worked in Nicaragua for many years.

The incidents took place around 7 a.m. when representatives of CEJIL Marcia Aguiluz Soto, Francisca Estuardo Vidal, and Paola Limón were notified by airport authorities that they could not enter the country, alleging that they had not given the required amount of advance notice of their arrival.  Then, upon questioning by the delegation, [the authorities] put forth reasons related to the exercise of sovereignty that represent a new outrage committed against human rights defenders.  The authorities were intransigent, even when CEJIL displayed the formal invitation it had received from the IACHR.  In images published on CEJIL’s official Twitter account, one can see the team being escorted to depart the country, accompanied by a message denouncing “This is how they ‘escort’ us to leave #Nicaragua, when we attempt to enter in order to attend a meeting with the @cidh [IACHR].  They refuse us entry, despite having a formal invitation.  They make use of gimmicks and return us in less than an hour.  #SosNicaragua.”

We join our voice to other voices to emphatically reject and vehemently condemn this act as evidence of the grave humanitarian crisis underway in this Central American country, as well as the systematic hampering of the work of defending human rights.  We denounce the obvious intention of the Ortega-Murillo regime to isolate the international community from the repression, harassment, and criminalization which it continues to inflict on the people who continue to express themselves civically, especially directed against the activists, independent media outlets, [and] human rights defenders who are completely defenseless.  It was not for nothing that a few weeks ago it was made known that the working group from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) was kicked out of the country, and today one of the organizations that has historically worked for democracy and the guarantee of human rights was arbitrarily denied entry.  Nothing has improved in Nicaragua, as was affirmed today by OHCHR in its first monthly bulletin monitoring the situation.

All of these incidents lead us to elevate the international level of alert regarding the situation in Nicaragua [and] to ask the international community, human rights protection bodies, and the various expressions of civil society to redouble their efforts to ensure the prompt return of democracy, justice, and peace to Nicaragua.

The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights together with Trans Siempre Amigas (TRANSSA), and the Observatory on Human Rights of Trans Persons request the immediate and effective investigation of the trans-femicide of Marisa Félix Sánchez

The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights (Race and Equality), express its concern about the severe acts denounce by the civil society organizations Trans Siempre Amigas (TRANSSA) and the Observatory on Human Rights of Trans Persons ( in Spanish ODHPT) related to the trans-femicide of Maris Félix Sánchez who was known as “Haitianita”.  Marisa (registered as Richard Félix Sanchez), was a trans woman, afro-descendant, Haitian, sex workers of 30 years old.

According to complaints made by local organizations the acts took place on the early morning of October 15, 2018 in the municipality of Verón, Punta Cana where Marisa worked as sexual worker since 2015 at the Barceló Avenue of Verón. The public information available suggest that the body of Marisa was found on the same area. Sex workers, coworkers of the victim, assured that they saw Marisa leave with a client wearing a red t-shirt in a motorcycle, they also saw the same person arriving with her dead body. On images that are circulating through social media, it is possible to see Marisa’s bloody body, with a deep wound on the cranial area, with evident signs of violence. 

Similarly, according to public information available, the local police went to the area and found a condom, which allows arguing that the acts could have been preceded by sexual violence.

Race and Equality, together with TRANSSA and, the Observatory on Human Rights of Trans Persons consider that the killing of Marisa is related to a deep-rooted context of crimes motivated by prejudice; specifically, a trans-femicide motivated to the female gender identity of the victim. Likewise, we notice with concern that this act is part of a severe context of physical and sexual violence, and killings of trans women that have been denounced systematically by local organizations like TRANSSA and the Observatory on Human Rights of Trans Persons.

Race and Equality call the attention to the local authorities to initiate an effective investigation of the acts immediately, taking into consideration the context of physical and sexual violence, that maid leads to the conclusion that it was a trans-femicide. All of these, in spite of the legal limitations on the Dominican frameworks that do not include the crime of trans-femicide, nor the gender identity of trans women as a relevant element of analysis during the criminal procedure. 

Because the aforementioned legal limitations, and to avoid impunity, the International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights, call the attention to the local authorities to take into consideration the differential factors that are involved in the case, as the gender identity, race, vulnerability as sexual worker, and the nationality of the victim. We consider it is fundamental to analyze the best application of the articles related with homicide in the Dominican context. Similarly, we call the local authorities to have in mind that the facts could have been related to sexual violence either because of rape or sexual aggression, this is an independent aggression that must be thoroughly investigated.

The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights on a joint statement with TRANSSA and, the Observatorio de Derechos Humanos de Personas Trans, extend a call to the Office of the Attorney General, the General Attorney Jean Alain Rodríguez, the Unit of Integral Attention of Gender Violence, Intrafamily and Sexual Crimes of Verón, Punta Cana, and to its public prosecutor, to investigate the acts, taking into consideration the multiple differential elements of the case. Likewise, we extend a call to the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights and its Rapporteurship of the rights of LGBTI persons, Women, and Afro-descendant persons; and the United Nations offices on the Dominican Republic and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), to monitor the situation and follow-up the case closely. 

Finally, we request to have all the criminal procedures exhausted to avoid the impunity of the dead of Marisa, because it is necessary that the Dominican government send a clear message of zero tolerance to the violence against trans women as part of the National Plan against Gender Violence, which was launched on November 8, 2017.

We invite you to follow the hashtag of zero tolerance to theviolence against trans women: #NIUNAMENOSRD

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